Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik
The Social and Political Research Center (PKSP), Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang proudly presents Journal Sospol (Sospol: Jurnal Sosial Politik). Journal Sospol cordially invites researchers, academicians, and experts to submit research on sociology, communications, international relations, governance, and social welfare sciences.
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<![CDATA[Dominasi Rosatom Rusia Dalam Pasar Energi Nuklir Global ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Saifuddin Bukhari]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.10755
<![CDATA[In recent years, Rosatom has dominated the world nuclear energy market. This Russian state-owned company has around 36 portfolios of new nuclear power plants (NPP) in various countries. In addition, Rosatom also controls about 17% of the nuclear fuel market. This research aims to find out how Rosatom can dominate the global nuclear energy market. To answer that, this study used a qualitative descriptive research method with the neomerkantilism concept approach. The data collection technique is done by means of literature study or literature study. The results of this study indicate that Rosatom can dominate the global nuclear energy market due to the influence and support of the Russian state. Russia made Rosatom a state-owned company aimed at pursuing maximum revenue through exports of nuclear energy for the sake of increasing the national economy as well as its global political influence.]]>
<![CDATA[Penonjolan Identitas Melayu Islam oleh Pemerintah dan Masyarakat Riau ]]>
<![CDATA[Hasse Jubba]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Rafi]]>;
<![CDATA[Zuly Qodir]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.12822
<![CDATA[This article aims to explain the efforts of the government and the people of Riau in promoting Islamic Malay identity. Through observation, literature study and documentation study, several efforts were found to support the continuity of Malay identity amidst various challenges today. The concept of identity politics is used to analyze the above problems and it is found that there are three construction processes of a social identity which include legitimate identity, resistant identity, and project identity. This paper finds the finding that the efforts to emphasize Islamic Malay identity by the government and the people of Riau are carried out in three stages. First, efforts to legitimize the Malay identity through the formation of the Riau Customary Institution (LAM) which is dedicated to protecting and preserving the heritage of the Malay symbol and in cooperation with the Riau Provincial Government. Second, efforts to fight against the negative stigma attached to Malay culture in the past. Third, the identification of Malay as Islam and vice versa through the promotion of Malay as an effort to ward off previous negative views and to affirm the existence of Islamic Malay culture in Riau.]]>
<![CDATA[Islam and Pancasila: Perspective of Indonesian Postgraduate Muslim Students ]]>
<![CDATA[Toba Sastrawan Manik]]>;
<![CDATA[Mukhamad Murdiono]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Andhika]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.13511
<![CDATA[Pancasila as the basis of the state faces debates from nationalists and Islamic ideology followers in Indonesia. This is influenced by the development of theorizing about secularism, nationalism and theocracy. Considering the threat to the rise of communism and radicalism, this study aims to analyze the attitudes of Indonesian Moslem postgraduate students towards the principles of Pancasila. The number of samples in this study were 122 people from various Indonesian universities who were determined by random sampling. The data was distributed via Google Form and processed qualitatively descriptively. This study found that the majority of postgraduate Moslem students accepted affection, cognition and conation of each Pancasila precept. The level of respondent acceptance of Pancasila was 70-90%. There were some people who still do not accept Pancasila as an ideology but it was only in small number, 2.45% for those who strongly disagree and 7.42% who disagree. Pancasila is accepted by most Indonesian Moslem postgraduate students. The results of the research contribute in providing a new understanding of Pancasila as well as the young generation of Moslem. However, there is many limitation in this research in reaching bigger and wider respondents. Further research on this topic is very welcomed.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Publik Thailand Melalui Industri Halal ]]>
<![CDATA[Chandra Purnama]]>;
<![CDATA[Neneng Konety]]>;
<![CDATA[Akim Akim]]>;
<![CDATA[Alwafi Ridho Subarkah]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.13968
<![CDATA[This study aims to explain the halal industry as Thai public diplomacy. The image as Muslim friendly country become the objective of Thai government. The concept of halal and public diplomacy applied to understanding Thailand's economic development policies, especially in the manufacturing and tourism sectors. The qualitative research method uses data collection techniques based on interviews and literature studies. The researchers conducted in-depth interviews with the competent authorities and parties involved in the Thai halal industry policy. It examines the Thai government through the role of Ministry of Tourism and Sports develops Halal industry include the increasing of MICE facilities for Muslim tourists. The development of a halal certification system in Thailand in collaboration with Chulalongkorn University. The government established the Halal Industry Center on the southern border of Pattani province. Thai Agricultural Halal Standard (TAS 8400-2007) becomes the legal basis for implementing halal certification, which refers to the international halal standard - Codex. Thailand's halal food market is growing 20 percent every year and making it the sixth-ranked country as a halal food exporter. The China, 57 OIC member countries, the United States, India and Russia, are Thailand's main markets. To promote Thailand's halal tourism and industry, the government collaborates with ASEAN, Middle East countries and regularly participates in organizing exhibitions and international business forums. The Thai government's efforts have had a positive impact on national income and an increase of 10 per cent of the number of Muslim tourists every year.]]>
<![CDATA[The Implementation of South Korea’s Military Technology Reform in The Perspective of Techno-nationalism ]]>
<![CDATA[Resi Qurrata Aini]]>;
<![CDATA[Febry Triantama]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.14581
<![CDATA[Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) requires fundamental reforms on its 3 main pillars, namely military technology, doctrine, and organizational reform. South Korea is one of the states that has taken steps to initiate the RMA through defense reform policies. South Korea have initiated its own version of RMA by prioritizing the revolution of military technology rather than any other aspects. This article aims to explain why South Korea prioritizes its military modernization through the development of its domestic defense industry. This research applies the concept of military techno-nationalism impulse with a qualitative approach and literature review method to collect data from official documents, websites of the government, journals, and scientific reports. The results of the research indicate that South Korea's choice to prioritize the development of its domestic defense industry is not merely pushed by the urgency to decrease its dependencies toward the United States, but also by the desire to pursue for strategic power to face the North Korean threat as well as other states around the region that full of antagonism atmosphere, to obtain broader economic benefits through the spin-off effect of industrialization, and to gain international prestige as one of the largest arms exporter as well as standing equal with other regional players.]]>
<![CDATA[Integritas Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan Sebagai Supreme Audit Institution ]]>
<![CDATA[Wisnhu Prabhawa]]>;
<![CDATA[Eko Prasojo]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.14609
<![CDATA[The Supreme Audit Agency (SAI) is a vital element in ensuring financial accountability in many countries. In Indonesia, BPK is the Supreme Audit Agency which has integrity in fighting corruption, maintaining transparency and financial accountability, and strengthened democratic institutions. Unfortunately, the BPK faces a number of challenges in the issue of buying and selling opinions, tax audit limitations, and foreign debt, as well as limited institutional authority. This study applies a qualitative method that aims to evaluate the integrity of the BPK based on the dimensions of sound governance. Collecting data through literature studies and in-depth interviews. Data analysis through the stages of data reduction, data display and reference based on understanding the theoretical framework. It examines the integrity of BPK influenced by chellenges in quality and consistency of its actions. Dimensional processes still need to be optimized, such as the settlement of compensation by the treasurer, the use of SIPTL, the BPK Hearing Care Forum, and openness support from APIP. The dimensions of cognition and value have the similar challenges with ethical dimensions, namely integrity and transparency. The management and performance dimensions have challenges with the constitutional dimension of the word 'expected' which slightly hinders the fulfillment of the ideal quantity of quality human resources as BPK's backbone, a solution strategy to overcome the Minister of Finance's license, socialization and monitoring of BPK's opinion, as well as education on misperceptions regarding the assumption that WTP is clean from corruption and information technology. Financial Audit Examination with Financial Audit Examination.]]>
<![CDATA[Ideologi dan Strategi Gerakan Filantropi Islam: Studi Kasus Hilal Merah Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahlesa Munabari]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.14821
<![CDATA[This article discusses the emergence, activities, and the ways in which Hilal Merah Indonesia (HILMI) mobilizes its resources. HILMI is the autonomous philanthropic division of Front Pembela Islam (FPI) whose activities are focused on delivering humanitarian assistance to beneficiaries ranging from those suffering from natural disasters to those living in severe poverty. A growing body of literature has investigated faith-based organizations that provide humanitarian services in Indonesia such as Dompet Dhuafa, Muhammadiyah (Lazismu), as well as Nahdlatul Ulama’s (Lazisnu). However, little attention has been paid to the social and humanitarian activities of Islamic radical movements in the country, such as the FPI. This article aims to address this literature gap. It used a case study approach to obtain primary data as well as a comprehensive understanding of HILMI. The primary data collection was carried out through field observations which were mostly carried out at the HILMI secretariat office in the Kalibata area, South Jakarta, DKI Jakarta. Interviews were conducted with key HILMI informants and a number of FPI officials. This study also used secondary data such as scholarly literature and news articles. The article opens up with the genesis and resource mobilization strategy of FPI. Through the lens of social movement theory, it then analyzes the emergence and resource mobilization strategy of HILMI. It demonstrates how the informal, loose, and flexible structure and culture of its parent organization, FPI, is reflected in the ways in which HILMI engages in the provision of humanitarian assistance in the country.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Publik China Sebagai Upaya Mendukung One China Principle ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizal Budi Santoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Windy Dermawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.15124
<![CDATA[Abstract This article aims to explain the Chinese public diplomacy towards the Taiwanese public as an effort to support one China principle. Researchers see that this one China principle is a stepping stone for China and Taiwan in establishing interactions based on the 1992 consensus. In analyzing, the researcher used the concept of Mark Leonard with the aim to find out how Chinese public diplomacy towards the Taiwanese public was in an effort to support one China principle. The research method used in this research is a qualitative method that is supported by collecting data through literature studies and also reducing the data in conducting data analysis. The results of this study indicate that Chinese public diplomacy towards Taiwan as an effort to support one China principle has gained support for this one China principle coming from the Kuomintang Party and Taiwanese businessmen based on the 1992 consensus.]]>
<![CDATA[National Policy on China One Belt-One Road (OBOR) Initiative Towards Indonesia as Global Maritime Nexus ]]>
<![CDATA[Riko Ratna Setiawan]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Kamil]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.15141
<![CDATA[One Belt-One Road Initiative is a huge project that is still a subject of discussion in the world. The project initiated by the Chinese state invites cooperation with various countries in the world in order to reactivate the maritime silk route, including Indonesia. There are 5 pillars of OBOR which are strengthening connectivity, improving infrastructure, promoting trade and scurity, increasing monetary circulation and increasing public understanding of maritime cooperation. There are some indonesian political experts argue that this cooperation will be dominated by China in all five pillars, which in the end will only make Indonesia “an instrument", not an actor. This is what the authors will discuss in this research. The purpose of this research is to see how the national policy prospects on OBOR regulations. This research is analyzed using descriptive qualitative methods by taking data from various relevant sources to the discussion topic. This research has a result that there are several national policies that can be implemented by Indonesia to strengthen its position as an actor in OBOR, where Indonesia should to provide escort to their national interests in the OBOR project.]]>
<![CDATA[Glocalization of Religious Extremism and Terrorism in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Wahyudi]]>;
<![CDATA[David Pradhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Sospol : Jurnal Sosial Politik Vol. 7 No. 1 (2021): Januari-Juni ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang ]]>
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DOI: 10.22219/sospol.v7i1.15959
<![CDATA[The rise of religious interpretation based political extremism culminating in violent terrorism is a serious threat confronting Indonesia in the 21st Century. The ostensibly multifarious and heterogenous impetus behind the origin of the resort to terrorism notwithstanding, the prevalent reductionist obscurantism surrounding the complexities underlying political violence justified through a religious referential, warrant academic re-interrogation, for deciphering the authenticity of the extant Western-dominated hypothetical paradigms. This theoretical, analytical Article, based exclusively on secondary sources, seeks to critically reinterpret the international and domestic factors that inspire terrorism in Indonesia. Drawing from the dominant theoretical explications and discourses accounting for the phenomenon of the proliferation of intermestic terrorism, the Article adopts a structural realist framework for interrogating the inductive effects of International politics on domestic terrorism in Indonesia.]]>
