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Fritz Humphrey Silalahi
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INDONESIA
Sentris
Published by Universitas Katolik Parahyangan
ISSN : 02165031     EISSN : 27463826     DOI : https://doi.org/10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4609.1-20
Core Subject : Economy, Education,
Economics, Econometrics & Finance Languange, Linguistic, Communication & Media
International Politics and Security International Politics and Economy International Organizations and Regime Politics, Media, and Transnational Society
Arjuna Subject : Ilmu Sosial - Ilmu Politik dan Hubungan Internasional
Articles 7 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris" : 7 Documents clear
Peran Negara dalam Mengurangi Ketimpangan Digital: Studi Kasus Afrika Selatan Lusi Puspitaningrum
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4518.39-58

Abstract

Tulisan ini ini membahas mengenai ketimpangan digital yang terjadi di negara Afrika Selatan sebagai negara dengan tingkat ketimpangan terendah diantara negara-negara kawasannya. Tulisan ini dibuat untuk melihat apa saja peran negara yang menyebabkan angka ketimpangan digital di negara Afrika Selatan tidak begitu tinggi. Penulis menggunakan konsep digital divide guna memahami kondisi ketimpangan digital yang terjadi di Afrika Selatan. Sementara itu dalam penulis juga menggunakan konsep developmental state untuk menganalisis peran negara dalam mengatasi ketimpangan menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan dokumen-dokumen kebijakan sebagai sumber data. Meskipun peristiwa historis masa lampau masih dirasa kuat oleh masyarakat negara Afrika Selatan, namun tidak menjadi penghambat bagi kemajuan Afrika Selatan. Dalam mencapai posisinya saat ini, negara Afrika Selatan telah berupaya membuat kebijakan-kebijakan untuk mendukung peningkatan penetrasi digital dalam rangka mengurangi ketimpangan di negaranya. Negara berperan dalam mendorong pembangunan infrastruktur, pendidikan, serta membangun kerjasama dengan aktor lainnya seperti sektor privat, institusi pendidikan, hingga organisasi internasional guna mengatasi ketimpangan digital di Afrika Selatan.
The Legitimacy of Bougainville Secession from Papua New Guinea Muhammad Sandy Ilmi
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4564.59-72

Abstract

What started as a movement to demand a distributive justice in mining revenue in Bougainville, Papua New Guinea, the conflict turned into the struggle for secession. From 1970’s the demand for secession have been rife and despite early agreement for more autonomy and more mining revenue for the autonomous region, the demand never faded. Under Francis Ona’s Bougainville Revolutionary Army, the movement take a new heights. Bougainville Revolutionary Army took coercive measure to push the government to acknowledge their demands by taking over the mine at Panguna. Papua New Guinean government response was also combative and further exacerbate the issue. Papua New Guinean Defense Force involvement adding the issue of human rights into the discourse. This paper will seek to analyze the normative question surrounding the legitimacy of the right to secession in Bougainville Island. The protracted conflict has halted any form of development in the once the most prosperous province of Papua New Guinea and should Bougainville Island become independent, several challenges will be waiting for Bougainvilleans.
ANATOMI SEKURITISASI PANDEMI COVID-19: KOMPARASI ANTARA PAKISTAN DAN INDONESIA Alfin Febrian Basundoro; Lazarus Andja Karunia
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4609.1-20

Abstract

COVID-19 yang melanda dunia hampir setahun terakhir mengakibatkan krisis yang masif di berbagai negara. Hingga Oktober 2020, WHO mencatat lebih dari 37 juta orang terkonfirmasi positif COVID-19 dengan lebih dari 11 juta kasus aktif.1 Tidak hanya sektor kesehatan masyarakat, pandemi ini juga menghancurkan sektor strategis lainnya, seperti ekonomi dan sosial-politik. Negara-negara di dunia dipaksa untuk melakukan rangkaian pembentukan kebijakan yang dapat seefektif mungkin mengurangi dampak pandemi terhadap warga negaranya, sekaligus mengatasi aneka permasalahan yang mengikuti pandemi tersebut dalam aneka sektor. Makalah ini berusaha menganalisis secara komparatif dua negara berkembang yang mengalami dampak pandemi COVID-19 yang cukup signifikan, yakni Pakistan dan Indonesia. Sejumlah kemiripan kedua negara, seperti masifnya jumlah penduduk, kolaborasi sipil-militer yang cukup signifikan, penerapan kunci sementara (lockdown) parsial, dan penerapan sejumlah kebijakan lain yang bertujuan untuk menyelamatkan ekonomi nasional menjadi pertimbangan pemilihan topik ini. Sekuritisasi yang dilakukan oleh kedua negara sebagai upaya untuk memosisikan pandemi COVID-19 sebagai isu keamanan nontradisional yang pelik juga menjadi sorotan global terkait bagaimana negara berkembang mengatasi pandemi, dan karenanya, menarik untuk dianalisis. Copenhagen School akan menjadi konsep dasar dalam menganalisis sekuritisasi kedua negara secarakomparatif, menekankan pada tahapan-tahapan sekuritisasi.3 Nantinya, penelitian ini akan membandingkan seberapa efektif tindakan sekuritisasi yang dilakukan oleh kedua negara dalam mengimplementasikan kebijakan penanganan pandemi COVID-19. Tidak hanya itu, penelitian ini juga mencakup apa saja faktor yang menentukan keberhasilan atau kegagalan sekuritisasi kedua negara. Orientasi penelitian akan cukup banyak berkutat pada hubungan sipil-militer kedua negara dan relasinya dalam desekuritisasi, juga sedikit menyentuh isu demokratisasi penanganan COVID-19.
Pendekatan Strategis dalam Persaingan: Interdependensi Finansial Amerika Serikat dan Tiongkok Zulaekha Amalia
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4613.105-120

Abstract

China has become a challenge to the advancement of the United States. This is supported by facts that show the great dependence of the United States. Through China's financial and economic power, China was able to lock in the power of the United States in the international system. This condition can be a dangerous threat if the power is used as state instrument. Therefore, this article will aim to show how China's financial and economic influence can pose a threat to the United States and the world. Then, this article will present the financial interdependence that is viewed through the immense debt of the United States to China and its relation to world trade and an analysis of the threats caused by these powers. This article uses the concept of Power and Interdependence as described by Robert O. Keohane and Joseph S. Nye Jr. to be an analytical framework. This research is qualitative research based on case studies, which is reviewed through literature review from related data sources. The findings in this article show that China does indeed have a major influence on the sustainability of the United States and inevitably the two countries must have strong interdependence due to the threats they face.
Globalisasi dan Penerimaan LGBTQ+ di ASEAN: Studi Kasus Budaya Boys’ Love di Thailand Yasmin Nur Habibah; Januar Aditya Pratama; Mesagus Muhammad Iqbal
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4615.87-103

Abstract

The global push for LGBTQ + still faces many challenges, especially in Eastern regions, and Southeast Asia is no exception. Most national laws identify LGBTQ + people as a psychiatric disorder who deserve certain penalties. This phenomenon certainly has an impact on how society accepts these people socially. According to research conducted by the Pew Research Center, public acceptance of the LGBTQ + movement has increased since 2002, even in countries that can be described as quite conservative, Thailand is no exception. The culture which became an industrial asset, namely ladyboys, is also an indication of Thailand's acceptance of the LGBTQ+ movement. Now, since 2018, the Thai film industry with the theme Boys' Love (BL) has received a lot of support from film and drama lovers, especially in ASEAN countries. In this paper, we will discuss the development of BL culture in Thailand, which then has the potential to have an impact on public acceptance of ASEAN member countries regarding LGBTQ + issues. Based on the analysis with the queer theory perspective, it is found that BL culture—which is often seen as the impact of socio-cultural globalization—can be a force that "triggers" the fluidity of society in terms of sexuality, even in the cultural environment of Southeast Asia which is known to be conservative.
Defensive Realism’s Perspective on Rising China’s Behavior as A Status Quo State Vincentia Vahistha Hirrya Jyalita
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4621.73-86

Abstract

China’s rise through rapid development especially in the economic sector have prompted debates on whether it seeks to overtake the United States (U.S.) and strive for domination. However, China insists that it has no such intentions since it benefits from the current system and wishes to pursue peaceful development. This paper will analyze why China is not seeking to displace the U.S. and alter the international order despite claims from offensive realism that states are revisionist as they pursue domination to guarantee its survival under anarchy. This paper argues that defensive realism can better explain the case and that China is a status quo state unlike claims from offensive realism. The writer conducted the study with defensive realism’s perspective and utilized indicators from Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, and Kai He to determine whether China is a status quo state. The results show that defensive realism can fill the gap left by offensive realism and that China is indeed a status quo state. Kebangkitan China yang ditandai dengan perkembangan pesat, terutama dalam bidang ekonomi, telah memicu perdebatan tentang apakah China berusaha untuk mengambil alih kekuasaan Amerika Serikat (A.S.) dan mendominasi tatanan global. Namun, China bersikeras dalam mengklaim bahwa tidak ada niat seperti itu karena mendapatkan keuntungan dari sistem saat ini dan lebih ingin mengejar pembangunan secara damai. Artikel ini akan menganalisis mengapa China tidak berusaha untuk menggantikan A.S. maupun mengubah tatanan global, meskipun ada klaim dari offensive realism bahwa setiap negara adalah revisionist karena mereka memperluas kekuasaannya untuk menjamin kelangsungan hidupnya di bawah sistem dunia yang anarki. Dalam artikel ini, penulis berpendapat bahwa defensive realism dapat menjelaskan kasus ini dengan lebih baik dan China adalah negara status quo tidak seperti klaim dari offensive realism. Penulis melakukan studi dengan perspektif defensive realism dan menggunakan indikator dari Steve Chan, Weixing Hu, dan Kai He untuk menentukan apakah China merupakan negara status quo. Hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa defensive realism dapat mengisi kekosongan yang ditinggalkan oleh offensive realism dan bahwa China memang negara status quo.
NATO in The Very Cold War: Why the US Needs Nato in the Arctic Sharon Sebastian Effendy; Bernadeth Franchika; Vanessa Anthea Kusuma
Jurnal Sentris Vol. 2 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Sentris
Publisher : Kelompok Studi Mahasiswa Pengkaji Masalah Internasional Unpar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26593/sentris.v2i1.4622.21-37

Abstract

Global warming and climate change resulting in the melting of sea ice within the Arctic have subsequently opened the possibility to explore and exploit the region. Previously seen as simply a region full of ice, the Arctic is believed to possess abundant natural resources, with an estimated 13% of undiscovered oil, 30% of natural gas resources in the world, as well as the opening of a new sea route which will be able to serve as a shortcut for countries to exchange goods - attracting states to pay closer attention to the region, be it militarily, politically, or economically, the United States being one of them. The increase in presence and power among Arctic and non-Arctic countries, especially Russia and China, has inarguably created a state of security dilemma among all parties involved, which is why if the US would like to seek a larger presence within the region, it becomes important for the country to involve NATO as one of its key partners, despite issues concerning the country and the organization. For the purpose of this paper, the aforementioned argument will further be supported using concepts of security dilemma, hegemonic stability theory, and the balance of threat.

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