Insignia: Journal of International Relations
Insignia Journal of International Relations is published biannually (April & November) by Laboratorium of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Jenderal Soedirman University. This journal contains articles or publications from all issues of International Relations such as: International Politics, Foreign Policy, Security Studies, International Political Economy, Transnational Studies, Area Studies & Non-traditional Issues.
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<![CDATA[Pengaruh Persepsi Konstruksi Sosial Kawasan Asia Timur Terhadap Kebijakan Nuklir Korea Utara: Analisis Pada Perubahan Sikap Sikap Korea Utara Menuju Deklarasi Panmunjom ]]>
<![CDATA[Satria, Arda Vicky]]>;
<![CDATA[Puspita, Rizky Herdiyanti]]>;
<![CDATA[Kristiono, Michael J.]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1300
<![CDATA[The East Asian stability and security conundrum is partially caused by the unwillingness of North Korea to dismantle its nuclear armaments despite international pressure. However, recent development shows that North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un has adopted a milder stance as he signed Panmunjom Declaration on 27 April 2018. Using Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) prescribed by Buzan and Wæver (2003) as the framework of analysis, this paper argues that the unprecedented change of policy is a part of North Korean response towards the dynamics of regional security in East Asia. In this paper, the four essential variables of East Asia security complex are being analyzed, namely geographical boundary, anarchic structure, polarity and social construction. It is found that there has been a change in North Korea’s perception of the amity-enmity pattern, that is, the social construction of the region. With the switch of perception, North Korea views that there is a lower level of threat posed by the region towards its national interests. As such, North Korea finds that it is beneficial to comply with denuclearization demands in order to gain a better standing with the international community.
Keywords: denuclearization, East Asia, Regional Security Complex, North Korea]]>
<![CDATA[Penguatan Diplomasi Ekonomi Tiongkok di ASEAN melalui ACFTA Upgrading Protocol ]]>
<![CDATA[Nugraha, Calista Laurinne]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1261
<![CDATA[The relationship between China and ASEAN through ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) has been going on for more than a decade. Unfortunately, during this period, it turned out that ACFTA received a lot of criticism. One of them is not significantly increasing trade – especially in ASEAN – as in the initial goal so that ACFTA was agreed to be reviewed in the ACFTA Upgrading Protocol asigned on November 21, 2015. However, in the renewal, China then insisted that ACFTA have a new cooperation agenda in the e-commerce sector. Even after that, multinational e-commerce companies from China such as Alibaba and Tencent began to expand into the ASEAN region, while ASEAN was not an e-commerce domain because the infrastructure was inadequate as in terms of internet speed and logistics network. This study aims to analyze why China added e-commerce cooperation in the ACFTA Upgrading Protocol. Using qualitative research methods and the concept of economic diplomacy, this research finds that the expansion of the ACFTA cooperation domain to the e-commerce sector is China's diplomatic strategy to strengthen its domination in ASEAN in order to achieve its vision as "strong internet power" (Wanglou Qiangguo). This vision was manifested in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) political agenda and the Internet Plus Strategy that was launched in 2013.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia dalam Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA): Peluang dan Tantangan ]]>
<![CDATA[Prasetya, Dion Maulana]]>;
<![CDATA[Estriani, Heavy Nala]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1390
<![CDATA[This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA’s strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Pendekatan Trust Politic Korea Selatan dalam Penyelesaian Hambatan Reunifikasi di Semenanjung Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitrah, Elpeni]]>;
<![CDATA[Ramadhani, Zakie Andiko]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1222
<![CDATA[This research investigates on South Korea trust politic approach under Park Geun Hye administration to handle the challenges of Korean reunification in Korean Peninsula based constructivism perspective. There are third challenges that faced by South Korea within Korean reunification which is international community believed on these challenges. Those challenges are the differences of ideology and system between South and North Korea, South Korea and United States of America military provocation, and North Korea’s nuclear weapon program. The type of this research is qualitative research that used secondary data by desk research approach and also using explanation methods to analyse the topic. Based on the result of this research, by using constructivism perspective those problems are not relevan more as barrier for Korean reunification in Korean peninsula. Today, the main problem to Korean reunification is what researcher called with “trust deficit” and identity changed. So that’s why South Korea used this kind approach where a structure of mistrust and confrontation is replaced by that of trust and cooperation. This structure changing is hoped to increase the possibility of reunification in Korean Peninsula between South and North Korea in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[Menguatnya Popularitas Turki di Indonesia: Faktor Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai Identitas Kolektif ]]>
<![CDATA[Aiqani, Nabhan]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1412
<![CDATA[ABSTRACT
This article aims to discuss the strengthening of the Turkish phenomenon in Indonesia as indicated by the popular figure of Erdogan among the people of the country. This popularity was demonstrated by the emergence of various communities, reviews, and discussions about Turkey and Erdogan. Very rare things before. To analyze this phenomenon, researchers rely on the concept of collective identity in understanding the identity between Turkey which is currently led by Erdogan and the identity of Islamic groups in Indonesia. The results of the study show that the strengthening of Turkish and Erdogan influence in Indonesia due to the factor of collective identity as the Muslim Brotherhood, in which several Islamic groups in Indonesia also make it an ideological inspiration in movement activities. So, on this basis, the echo of Turkey and Erdogan became very popular in Indonesia through the activities and narratives built by the Islamic group.
Keywords: Turkey, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Group in Indonesia, Collective Identity
ABSTRAK
Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai menguatnya fenomena Turki di Indonesia yang ditunjukkan dengan populernya sosok Erdogan dikalangan masyarakat tanah air. Kepopuler itu ditunjukkan dengan munculnya berbagai komunitas, ulasan, maupun diskusi seputar Turki dan Erdogan. Hal yang sangat jarang terjadi sebelumnya. Untuk menganalisi fenomena tersebut, peneliti menyandarkan konsep identitas kolektif dalam memahami indentitas antara Turki yang dipimpin oleh Erdogan saat ini dan identitas kelompok Islam di Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa menguatnya pengaruh Turki dan Erdogan di Indonesia dikarenakan faktor kesamaan identitas kolektif sebagai Ikhwanul Muslimin yang mana beberapa kelompok Islam di Indonesia juga menjadikannya sebagai inspirasi ideologis dalam aktivitas gerakan. Sehingga, atas dasar hal tersebut, gaung Turki dan Erdogan menjadi amat populer di Indonesia melalui aktivitas dan narasi yang dibangun oleh kelompok islam tersebut.
Kata Kunci: Turki, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Kelompok Islam di Indonesia, Identitas Kolektif
]]>
<![CDATA[Penguatan Diplomasi Ekonomi Tiongkok di ASEAN melalui ACFTA Upgrading Protocol ]]>
<![CDATA[Calista Laurinne Nugraha]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
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Download Original
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Original Source
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Check in Google Scholar
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Full PDF (835.766 KB)
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1261
<![CDATA[The relationship between China and ASEAN through ASEAN - China Free Trade Area (ACFTA) has been going on for more than a decade. Unfortunately, during this period, it turned out that ACFTA received a lot of criticism. One of them is not significantly increasing trade – especially in ASEAN – as in the initial goal so that ACFTA was agreed to be reviewed in the ACFTA Upgrading Protocol asigned on November 21, 2015. However, in the renewal, China then insisted that ACFTA have a new cooperation agenda in the e-commerce sector. Even after that, multinational e-commerce companies from China such as Alibaba and Tencent began to expand into the ASEAN region, while ASEAN was not an e-commerce domain because the infrastructure was inadequate as in terms of internet speed and logistics network. This study aims to analyze why China added e-commerce cooperation in the ACFTA Upgrading Protocol. Using qualitative research methods and the concept of economic diplomacy, this research finds that the expansion of the ACFTA cooperation domain to the e-commerce sector is China's diplomatic strategy to strengthen its domination in ASEAN in order to achieve its vision as "strong internet power" (Wanglou Qiangguo). This vision was manifested in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) political agenda and the Internet Plus Strategy that was launched in 2013.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Maritim Indonesia dalam Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA): Peluang dan Tantangan ]]>
<![CDATA[Dion Maulana Prasetya]]>;
<![CDATA[Heavy Nala Estriani]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (206.201 KB)
|
DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1390
<![CDATA[This article analyzed the opportunities and challenges of Indonesia maritime diplomacy in the context of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA). As part of the effort to realize the policy of global maritime fulcrum, Indonesia utilizes maritime diplomacy to look for the close cooperation and agreements with IORA member countries. Up to date, Indonesian foreign policy, specifically in the maritime field is tending to be more dominant to the Pacific Ocean rather than the Indian Ocean. Thus, this paper will explain how Indonesia implements its maritime diplomacy within IORA, and what the opportunities and challenges faced by Indonesia inside the association. Using the method of literature study, this descriptive paper uses the concept of maritime diplomacy and global maritime fulcrum in order to explain the study. This paper argues that IORA’s strategic policy in maritime security and economic policies, links with Indonesia policy in global maritime fulcrum. Thus, Indonesia uses maritime diplomacy to take the advantages and opportunities to enhance maritime connectivity and cooperation with IORA members. Nevertheless, several issues challenge Indonesia like the increasing of great power states maritime influence such as India and China in the Indian Ocean, as well as challenges in integrating IORA member states.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Pendekatan Trust Politic Korea Selatan dalam Penyelesaian Hambatan Reunifikasi di Semenanjung Korea ]]>
<![CDATA[Elpeni Fitrah]]>;
<![CDATA[Zakie Andiko Ramadhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
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Check in Google Scholar
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Full PDF (844.853 KB)
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1222
<![CDATA[This research investigates on South Korea trust politic approach under Park Geun Hye administration to handle the challenges of Korean reunification in Korean Peninsula based constructivism perspective. There are third challenges that faced by South Korea within Korean reunification which is international community believed on these challenges. Those challenges are the differences of ideology and system between South and North Korea, South Korea and United States of America military provocation, and North Korea’s nuclear weapon program. The type of this research is qualitative research that used secondary data by desk research approach and also using explanation methods to analyse the topic. Based on the result of this research, by using constructivism perspective those problems are not relevan more as barrier for Korean reunification in Korean peninsula. Today, the main problem to Korean reunification is what researcher called with “trust deficit” and identity changed. So that’s why South Korea used this kind approach where a structure of mistrust and confrontation is replaced by that of trust and cooperation. This structure changing is hoped to increase the possibility of reunification in Korean Peninsula between South and North Korea in the future.]]>
<![CDATA[Pengaruh Persepsi Konstruksi Sosial Kawasan Asia Timur Terhadap Kebijakan Nuklir Korea Utara: Analisis Pada Perubahan Sikap Sikap Korea Utara Menuju Deklarasi Panmunjom ]]>
<![CDATA[Arda Vicky Satria]]>;
<![CDATA[Rizky Herdiyanti Puspita]]>;
<![CDATA[Michael J. Kristiono]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
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Original Source
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Check in Google Scholar
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Full PDF (1043.308 KB)
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1300
<![CDATA[The East Asian stability and security conundrum is partially caused by the unwillingness of North Korea to dismantle its nuclear armaments despite international pressure. However, recent development shows that North Korean Supreme Leader Kim Jong Un has adopted a milder stance as he signed Panmunjom Declaration on 27 April 2018. Using Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) prescribed by Buzan and Wæver (2003) as the framework of analysis, this paper argues that the unprecedented change of policy is a part of North Korean response towards the dynamics of regional security in East Asia. In this paper, the four essential variables of East Asia security complex are being analyzed, namely geographical boundary, anarchic structure, polarity and social construction. It is found that there has been a change in North Korea’s perception of the amity-enmity pattern, that is, the social construction of the region. With the switch of perception, North Korea views that there is a lower level of threat posed by the region towards its national interests. As such, North Korea finds that it is beneficial to comply with denuclearization demands in order to gain a better standing with the international community. Keywords: denuclearization, East Asia, Regional Security Complex, North Korea]]>
<![CDATA[Menguatnya Popularitas Turki di Indonesia: Faktor Ikhwanul Muslimin sebagai Identitas Kolektif ]]>
<![CDATA[Nabhan Aiqani]]>
<![CDATA[ Insignia: Journal of International Relations Vol 5 No 2 (2018): November 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Hubungan Internasional, FISIP, Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
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Check in Google Scholar
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Full PDF (715.327 KB)
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DOI: 10.20884/1.ins.2018.5.2.1412
<![CDATA[ABSTRACT This article aims to discuss the strengthening of the Turkish phenomenon in Indonesia as indicated by the popular figure of Erdogan among the people of the country. This popularity was demonstrated by the emergence of various communities, reviews, and discussions about Turkey and Erdogan. Very rare things before. To analyze this phenomenon, researchers rely on the concept of collective identity in understanding the identity between Turkey which is currently led by Erdogan and the identity of Islamic groups in Indonesia. The results of the study show that the strengthening of Turkish and Erdogan influence in Indonesia due to the factor of collective identity as the Muslim Brotherhood, in which several Islamic groups in Indonesia also make it an ideological inspiration in movement activities. So, on this basis, the echo of Turkey and Erdogan became very popular in Indonesia through the activities and narratives built by the Islamic group. Keywords: Turkey, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Group in Indonesia, Collective Identity ABSTRAK Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membahas mengenai menguatnya fenomena Turki di Indonesia yang ditunjukkan dengan populernya sosok Erdogan dikalangan masyarakat tanah air. Kepopuler itu ditunjukkan dengan munculnya berbagai komunitas, ulasan, maupun diskusi seputar Turki dan Erdogan. Hal yang sangat jarang terjadi sebelumnya. Untuk menganalisi fenomena tersebut, peneliti menyandarkan konsep identitas kolektif dalam memahami indentitas antara Turki yang dipimpin oleh Erdogan saat ini dan identitas kelompok Islam di Indonesia. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa menguatnya pengaruh Turki dan Erdogan di Indonesia dikarenakan faktor kesamaan identitas kolektif sebagai Ikhwanul Muslimin yang mana beberapa kelompok Islam di Indonesia juga menjadikannya sebagai inspirasi ideologis dalam aktivitas gerakan. Sehingga, atas dasar hal tersebut, gaung Turki dan Erdogan menjadi amat populer di Indonesia melalui aktivitas dan narasi yang dibangun oleh kelompok islam tersebut. Kata Kunci: Turki, Ikhwanul Muslimin, Kelompok Islam di Indonesia, Identitas Kolektif]]>
