Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
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<![CDATA[Collective Identity and Protest Tactics in Yogyakarta Under The Post-Suharto Regime ]]>
<![CDATA[EFENDI, DAVID]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0015
<![CDATA[In response to an uncertain political situation, since 1998, Yoyakartans have engaged in resistance through groups called indigenous organizations. Such groups reproduce existing cultural resources as part of a broader movement to oppose democra-tization reforms that have been raised by the central government. Based on interviews, fieldwork and newspaper reports, this study finds that: (1) collec-tive identity can be understood in different ways from political and cultural perspectives, and indigenous groups are part of the “deep cultural resources†that establish collective identity; (2) such organizations use cultural resources in ways that conform to social movement theory; and (3) the existence of indig-enous groups contributes to shaping and reshaping the activities of the movements in which they partici-pate.]]>
<![CDATA[Gender Discourse and Women Movements in Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) ]]>
<![CDATA[RAHMAWATI, DIAN EKA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The involvement of NU gender activists with the femi-nism ideas, the strengthening of democracy issues in Islam, and the effects of civil society development introduced by NGO or new social movement have made gender discourse and women movement in-side NU in dynamic. The occurrence of the new dis-courses brought by some NU gender activist results in the thought and movement among the NU activ-ists community. It also happens inside the NU’s struc-ture. Further implication, some activists who disagree with the thought and movement of Muslimat and Fatayat as NU female organization found other in-stitutions outside the NU’s structure. It shows that gender thought and women movement in NU is not static and anti-politics, on the contrary, it becomes dynamic and political because each actor involved inside try to affect and dominate each other both in discursive and praxis levels. This article aims to ex-plain critically the various studies that have been done about the gender discourse and the women movements in NU. The discussion will begin with the development of the gender discourse and women movements in the general overview, the develop-ment gender discourse and Muslim women move-ments, the influence of the gender discourse and women movements in NU. After that, it will be fol-lowed by the analysis of various literatures on gen-der discourse and women movements in NU as seen from the structural and cultural perspectives]]>
<![CDATA[Conflict Resolution: the Truncated Zoning Arrangement and the Buhari Political Tsunami in Nigeria ]]>
<![CDATA[TERWASE, ISAAC TERUNGWA]]>;
<![CDATA[ABDUL-TALIB, ASMAT-NIZAM]]>;
<![CDATA[ZENGENI, KNOCKS TAPIWA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Nigerian Fourth Republic ushered in a demo-cratically elected government in 1999 that paved way for the civilians to take over government after a long period of military rule in Nigeria. This made the political parties to project their candidates for contest in occupying the political positions at the federal, states and local government levels. Thus, such projection through the ruling political party that won the election in 1999 known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), went into zoning arrange-ment that could give the country’s six geopolitical zones a place for participation in the administration of the country. This arrangement coordinated the highest positions such as the President, Vice-Presi-dent, President of the Senate, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Chairman of the ruling party. However, such arrangements were only practiced from 1999 to 2011. The zoning arrangements were trun-cated in 2011, which led to conflict in the Northern part of the country. The objective of the study there-fore, is to examine the consequences of the trun-cated zoning arrangement and lessons from the Buhari Political tsunami in 2015 general elections in Nigeria, with interest on how to resolve such con-flicts that emanated. The study made use of qualita-tive research and the review of previous literature as sources of data collection. The findings revealed that, many people were killed during the years 2011-2015 under study; both private and public properties were also destroyed. This study recom-mends constitutional approach regarding the zoning formula to accom-modate all the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria in order to resolve the conflicts therein.]]>
<![CDATA[The Influence of Social Media Towards Student Political Participation During the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election ]]>
<![CDATA[KHOLID, ANWAR]]>;
<![CDATA[HUSEIN, RAHMAWATI]]>;
<![CDATA[MUTIARIN, DYAH]]>;
<![CDATA[E. R, SEPTIYAN LISTIYA]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[This research attempts to examine the political participation of social media users particularly of Facebook and Twitter during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. The data collection was performed through survey with accidental sampling methods. Samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sciences faculty at five universities in Yogyakarta namely UGM, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, UMY, UNY and UPN “Veteran†Yogyakarta. Using statistic descriptive,this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social media and political participation is analyzed through OLS Regression. The findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. However, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. On the other hand, the result OLS regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was small.]]>
<![CDATA[PATRONAGE POLITICS AND CLIENTELISM IN HOUSING WELFARE: THE CASE OF GAWAD KALINGA (GK) VILLAGES IN PARAñAQUE CITY, THE PHILIPPINES ]]>
<![CDATA[VILLANUEVA, PRINCE AIAN G]]>;
<![CDATA[SALAZAR, JESSA NICOLE P.]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[Patronage politics has become a defining charac-teristic of the Philippine political landscape. Clientelism, a form of patronage, is often studied as disadvantageous in governance and democratic consolidation. While the patron-client framework remains the most influential among schools of thought that explain Philippine politics, transforma-tions in a clientelist exchange are evident given changes in political, cultural and economic settings. Using this frame of new clientelism, we look at and revisit the structure of patronage in the provision of housing welfare in the Philippines, focusing now on the roles of three important actors? the nongov-ernmental organization, the state through the local government and the recipients or beneficiaries? in an urban setting, thus deviating from the traditional conception of patronage and clientelist politics. This relationship of clientelist exchange is presented in our Accomplice-Principal-Accessory (APA) model ofclientelism, with the local government unit of Parañaque City as accomplice, the Gawad Kalinga (GK) as the principal agent, and the recipients or beneficiaries as accessories in the provision of hous-ing welfare.]]>
<![CDATA[Democratic Model of Public Policy Accountability. Case Study on Implementation of Street Vendors Empowerment Policy in Makassar City ]]>
<![CDATA[KASMAD, RULINAWATY]]>;
<![CDATA[ALWI, ALWI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0014
<![CDATA[Policy accountability is a form of manifestation of public officials responsible to the people. One form of policy accountability that is discussed here is street vendors policy accountability, because they are a group of citizens who have the economic activities in public spaces. The existence of this policy how-ever, the number of street vendors from year to year increase in Makassar City. Therefore, this study seeks to uncover and explain the democratic policy ac-countability through the street vendors’ responses and expectations to the implementation of street ven-dors empowerment policy in Makassar City; and to uncover and explain the democratic policy account-ability through the stakeholders’ responses and ex-pectations to the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in Makassar City. To achieve these objectives, the study uses democracy theory, in which this theory focuses on togetherness in dis-cussing solutions to the various problems of street vendors and in the policy implementation as well.This study used a qualitative design and case studies strat-egy. Data collection techniques used was observa-tion, interview, and documentation. Data were ana-lyzed with case description its settings. The results of this study pointed out that the interests and needs of the street vendors are not met through the empow-erment policies vendors. This is caused by the ab-sence of accountability forum as a place of togeth-erness all of street vendors empowerment stakehold-ers’. Street vendors empowerment policy in Makassar City are designed base on a top-down approach, so they are considered as objects, which must accept all government programs aimed at them]]>
<![CDATA[The Influence of Social Media Towards Student Political Participation During the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election ]]>
<![CDATA[ANWAR KHOLID]]>;
<![CDATA[RAHMAWATI HUSEIN]]>;
<![CDATA[DYAH MUTIARIN]]>;
<![CDATA[SEPTIYAN LISTIYA E. R]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0019
<![CDATA[This research attempts to examine the political participation of social media users particularly of Facebook and Twitter during the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. The data collection was performed through survey with accidental sampling methods. Samples were taken from population of undergraduate students of political and social sciences faculty at five universities in Yogyakarta namely UGM, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, UMY, UNY and UPN “Veteran” Yogyakarta. Using statistic descriptive,this research conceptualizes the political participation of social media users while the relations of social media and political participation is analyzed through OLS Regression. The findings indicated that the level of political participation of the social media users during the election was categorized as good. However, the facilities offered by the two social media applications were not maximally used to supporting political participation activities. On the other hand, the result OLS regression shows that there were positive and significant correlations and influences of social media towards the political participation of its users during the election even though the percentage was small.]]>
<![CDATA[Democratic Model of Public Policy Accountability. Case Study on Implementation of Street Vendors Empowerment Policy in Makassar City ]]>
<![CDATA[RULINAWATY KASMAD]]>;
<![CDATA[ALWI ALWI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
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Check in Google Scholar
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0014
<![CDATA[Policy accountability is a form of manifestation of public officials responsible to the people. One form of policy accountability that is discussed here is street vendors policy accountability, because they are a group of citizens who have the economic activities in public spaces. The existence of this policy how-ever, the number of street vendors from year to year increase in Makassar City. Therefore, this study seeks to uncover and explain the democratic policy ac-countability through the street vendors’ responses and expectations to the implementation of street ven-dors empowerment policy in Makassar City; and to uncover and explain the democratic policy account-ability through the stakeholders’ responses and ex-pectations to the implementation of street vendors empowerment policy in Makassar City. To achieve these objectives, the study uses democracy theory, in which this theory focuses on togetherness in dis-cussing solutions to the various problems of street vendors and in the policy implementation as well.This study used a qualitative design and case studies strat-egy. Data collection techniques used was observa-tion, interview, and documentation. Data were ana-lyzed with case description its settings. The results of this study pointed out that the interests and needs of the street vendors are not met through the empow-erment policies vendors. This is caused by the ab-sence of accountability forum as a place of togeth-erness all of street vendors empowerment stakehold-ers’. Street vendors empowerment policy in Makassar City are designed base on a top-down approach, so they are considered as objects, which must accept all government programs aimed at them]]>
<![CDATA[Conflict Resolution: the Truncated Zoning Arrangement and the Buhari Political Tsunami in Nigeria ]]>
<![CDATA[ISAAC TERUNGWA TERWASE]]>;
<![CDATA[ASMAT-NIZAM ABDUL-TALIB]]>;
<![CDATA[KNOCKS TAPIWA ZENGENI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0018
<![CDATA[The Nigerian Fourth Republic ushered in a demo-cratically elected government in 1999 that paved way for the civilians to take over government after a long period of military rule in Nigeria. This made the political parties to project their candidates for contest in occupying the political positions at the federal, states and local government levels. Thus, such projection through the ruling political party that won the election in 1999 known as the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), went into zoning arrange-ment that could give the country’s six geopolitical zones a place for participation in the administration of the country. This arrangement coordinated the highest positions such as the President, Vice-Presi-dent, President of the Senate, Speaker of the House of Representatives, Secretary to the Government of the Federation, and Chairman of the ruling party. However, such arrangements were only practiced from 1999 to 2011. The zoning arrangements were trun-cated in 2011, which led to conflict in the Northern part of the country. The objective of the study there-fore, is to examine the consequences of the trun-cated zoning arrangement and lessons from the Buhari Political tsunami in 2015 general elections in Nigeria, with interest on how to resolve such con-flicts that emanated. The study made use of qualita-tive research and the review of previous literature as sources of data collection. The findings revealed that, many people were killed during the years 2011-2015 under study; both private and public properties were also destroyed. This study recom-mends constitutional approach regarding the zoning formula to accom-modate all the six geopolitical zones in Nigeria in order to resolve the conflicts therein.]]>
<![CDATA[Gender Discourse and Women Movements in Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) ]]>
<![CDATA[DIAN EKA RAHMAWATI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 2 (2015): August 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0017
<![CDATA[The involvement of NU gender activists with the femi-nism ideas, the strengthening of democracy issues in Islam, and the effects of civil society development introduced by NGO or new social movement have made gender discourse and women movement in-side NU in dynamic. The occurrence of the new dis-courses brought by some NU gender activist results in the thought and movement among the NU activ-ists community. It also happens inside the NU’s struc-ture. Further implication, some activists who disagree with the thought and movement of Muslimat and Fatayat as NU female organization found other in-stitutions outside the NU’s structure. It shows that gender thought and women movement in NU is not static and anti-politics, on the contrary, it becomes dynamic and political because each actor involved inside try to affect and dominate each other both in discursive and praxis levels. This article aims to ex-plain critically the various studies that have been done about the gender discourse and the women movements in NU. The discussion will begin with the development of the gender discourse and women movements in the general overview, the develop-ment gender discourse and Muslim women move-ments, the influence of the gender discourse and women movements in NU. After that, it will be fol-lowed by the analysis of various literatures on gen-der discourse and women movements in NU as seen from the structural and cultural perspectives]]>
