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Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 28 Documents
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Search results for , issue "Vol 52, No 2 (2014)" : 28 Documents clear
Religion for Revolution: Shifting Perceptions of Bodily Ritual in the Lebanese Shi‘a Community Dodd, Savannah Danielle
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.375-389

Abstract

This paper applies Cartesian and Weberian theories of rationalization and Leslie Sharp’s concept of bodily commodification to the transition in the observance of Ashura from practices of bodily mortification to blood donation among the Shi‘a community in Lebanon. The author argues that this shift politicizes salvation and sacralises revolution through a process of rationalization, made possible through the invocation of the Karbala Paradigm, in order to facilitate the commodification of blood for political activism. This shift in ritual practice for the commodification of blood has occurred as a result of three key transitions: (i) from body/self-unity to body/self-dualism; (ii) from salvation in the next world to salvation in this world; and (iii) from personal salvation to societal salvation.[Dengan merujuk teori rasionalisasi model Descartes dan Weber serta konsep komodifikasi tubuh dari Leslie Sharp, tulisan ini menelusur pergeseran yang terjadi pada ritual Ashura dari praktik melukai diri menjadi kegiatan donor darah di kalangan Syiah di Lebanon. Proses ini, menurut penulis, telah mengubah konsep penyelamatan dan revolusi sakral melalui proses rasionali­sasi. Hal ini terjadi dengan memakai Paradigma Karbala sebagai media komodifikasi darah untuk aktivisme politik. Pergeseran komodifikasi darah dalam praktik ritual ini terjadi melalui tiga transisi utama: (i) dari kesatuan diri menjadi dualisme diri; (ii) dari keselamatan akhirat menjadi keselamatan dunia; dan (iii) dari penyelamatan pribadi menjadi penyelamatan sosial].
Salahuddin Wahid and the Defence of Minority Rights in Contemporary Indonesia Widiyanto, Asfa
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.271-307

Abstract

This paper discussed the role and authority of Salahuddin Wahid, a prominent muslim scholar, who actively promotes the minority rights in modern-day Indonesia. His credentials as a traditional ulama coming from the tradition of a pesantren allow him to become an authority in Islamic matters. Salahuddin’s recognition as muslim scholar is in some ways observable from his responses to religious questions posed by the people, either directly or through social media. A general observation of Salahuddin’s Twitter account will allows us to realize that he also represent an authority in “cyber-Islam”. He felt the growing importance of social media, as well as the necessity to promote inclusive religiosity and the respect of minority rights through social media, accordingly he actively promotes his ideas through social media most particularly Twitter. Some issues have been discussed to overview Salahuddin’s ideas to best promote minority rights. His activism can be felt most notably in the following issues: ethnic minorities, women’s rights, religious minorities, diminishing the violence against the Ahmadiyya, and the marriage of religious minorities.[Paper ini membincangkan peran dan otoritas Salahuddin Wahid, seorang intelektual muslim terkemuka yang aktif mempromosikan hak-hak kelompok minoritas di Indonesia. Karisma yang dimilikinya sebagai seorang ulama yang berasal dari kalangan pesantren tradisional memberinya sebuah otoritas dalam berbagai aspek ajaran Islam. Keulamaannya dalam batas tertentu dapat ditelusuri lewat respons yang diberikan atas pertanyaan masyarakat yang diajukan kepadanya, baik secara langsung maupun lewat sosial media. Pengamatan umum terhadap akun Twitter Salahuddin Wahid sekaligus menunjukkan otoritasnya di dunia maya. Dia sadar betul pentingnya sosial media sebagaimana pentingnya mempromosikan keberagamaan inklusif dan penghormatan terhadap hak-hak kelompok minoritas. Karenanya, dia aktif menyuarakan pendapatnya lewat sosial media, khususnya Twitter. Beberapa masalah didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini untuk melihat secara umum pemikiran Salahuddin Wahid terkait dengan hak-hak kelompok minoritas: minoritas etnis, minoritas agama, hak-hak perempuan, kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyyah, dan pernikahan antar agama.]
Ibn Khaldūn’s Social Thought on Bedouin and Ḥaḍar Pribadi, Moh.
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.417-433

Abstract

Through the framework of modern sociological theory equipped with methods of historical and sociological interpretation of the text, this study attempted to explain Ibn Khaldūn’s social thought, especially the Bedouin and ḥaḍar, in ‘ilm al-‘umrān. Ibn Khaldūn’s idea on social importance was about the bedouin and ḥaḍar community along with their social solidarity. Both communities had their respective characteristics. Nomadic society which was identical to the bedouin community had a social structure and specificity as tendency in virtue, warm relationship, and uniformity, while ḥaḍar society had a structure and social peculiarities such as pluralist, pragmatic, and hedonists. In terms of lifestyle, bedouin society looked more dynamic than ḥaḍar. Bedouin way of life was characterized by moving from one place to another, and this made this community smart in formulating the vision, mission, programs, and targets to be achieved in life. Bedouin specificity was reflected in their lives’ readiness and supplies, one thing that was not visible in the community of ḥaḍar. Meanwhile, with their prosperity, ḥaḍar people were busy with urban activity and civil society development. Ibn Khaldūn had sought to understand human being and his existence individually or socially through ‘ilm al-‘umrān. His social methodology reflected his overall views through observation of social reality in a comprehensive manner. The author argued that Ibn Khaldūn’s social methodology that combined data and social facts with religion could be a reference and served as an example of a comprehensive approach. Ibn Khaldūn’s another important idea was on the development of community intelligence which included three stages: tamyīzī, tajrībī, and naẓārī.[Melalui kerangka teori sosiologi modern serta metode penafsiran teks secara historis-sosiologis, penelitian ini berusaha untuk menjelaskan pemikiran sosial Ibn Khaldun tentang masyarakat badui dan ḥaḍar. Ide Ibnu Khaldun tentang masyarakat dapat dilihat pada konsepnya mengenai dua masyarakat ini beserta solidaritas sosial mereka, dengan karakteristik masing-masing. Masyarakat nomaden yang identik dengan masyarakat badui memiliki struktur sosial dan spesifisitas dengan kecenderungan pada kebajikan, ramah, dan keseragaman; sementara masyarakat ḥaḍar memiliki struktur dan kekhasan sosial seperti pluralis, pragmatis, dan hedonis. Dalam hal gaya hidup, masyarakat badui tampak lebih dinamis daripada ḥaḍar. Cara hidup masyarakat badui ditandai dengan terus berpindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain, dan ini membuat komunitas ini cerdas dalam merumuskan visi, misi, program, dan sasaran yang ingin dicapai dalam hidup. Spesifisitas badui tercermin dalam kesiap-siagaan mereka, satu hal yang tidak terlihat dalam komunitas ḥaḍar. Sementara itu, dengan kemakmuranya, orang ḥaḍar sibuk dengan aktivitas perkotaan dan pembangunan masyarakat sipil. Ibn Khaldun telah berusaha untuk memahami manusia dan keberadaannya secara individu ataupun sosial melalui ‘ilm al-‘umrān. Metodologi sosialnya mencerminkan pandangannya secara keseluruhan melalui pengamatan realitas sosial secara komprehensif. Penulis berpendapat bahwa metodologi sosial Ibn Khaldun yang menggabungkan data dan fakta sosial dengan agama bisa menjadi referensi dan contoh pendekatan yang komprehensif. Ide penting Ibnu Khaldun lainnya adalah tentang perkembangan kecerdasan masyarakat yang meliputi tiga tahap: tamyīzī, tajrībī, dan naẓārī.]
Comparing Religious Education in Indonesia and Japan Nuryatno, M. Agus
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.435-458

Abstract

This paper compares the way in which religious education has been performed in Indonesia and Japan in terms of context, theory, history, policy, practice, and impact. Generally speaking, the practice of religious education in the two countries is far different in that Indonesia has strong support to religious education, while Japan has weak support to the practice of religious education. This is due to the fact that not only the characteristics of the societies of the two countries are different, but also the two do embrace different state’s ideology. In addition families in the two societies play a crucial role in determining the existence and practice of religious education.[Tulisan ini membandingkan pengajaran agama antara Indonesia dan Jepang dalam hal konteks, teori, sejarah, kebijakan, dan pengaruhnya. Secara umum dapat dikatakan bahwa pendidikan agama di kedua negara ini sangat berbeda. Di Indonesia, pemerintah memberikan dukungan besar terhadap pendidikan agama, sementara pemerintah Jepang sangat kurang mendukung pendidikan agama. Hal ini tidak hanya dikarenakan karakter masyarakat dari kedua negara ini yang sangat berbeda, tetapi juga disebabkan ideologi dari kedua negara ini yang juga berbeda. Terlepas dari itu, di kedua negara ini lembaga keluarga memiliki peran yang cukup krusial dalam menentukan eksistensi dan pelaksanaan pendidikan agama.]
The New Role of Ulama in Nigeria: Focus on the Post 1999 Democratic Dispensation Bunza, Mukhtar Umar
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.391-415

Abstract

Nigeria is a country with a centuries’ long tradition of Islamic revivalism and activism. It was the impact of the activities of the 17th century scholars of Nigeria that culminated in the success of the 19th century tajdeed movement that brought about the emergence of the muslim caliphate of Sokoto. British imperialism brought an end to the caliphate in the beginning of the 20th century, the circumstances of which have been consistently challenged mainly by the ulama and their followers ever since. Some contemporary scholars such as Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, former Grand Qadi of Northern Nigeria, contributed significantly in the new dimension to the roles of muslim scholars in the government. Since 1999 muslim scholars have taken on new roles in the administration of states, serving as commissioners for newly established ministries for Religious Affairs, as special advisers, or directors of commissions like Hisbah, Hajj, Masjid, Moon Sighting, and other related government bodies, with full salaries and other benefits unlike ever before in the Nigerian system. This new role of ulama and its impacts in the governance of the contemporary Nigeria is what this paper intends to investigate and expound.[Nigeria merupakan sebuah negara dengan tradisi revivalisme dan aktivisme Islam selama berabad-abad. Hal itu terkait dengan upaya para ulama Nigeria abad ke-17 yang berpuncak pada keberhasilan gerakan tajdid pada abad 19 dengan munculnya kekhalifahan muslim dari Sokoto. Imperialisme Inggris mengakhiri kekhalifahan ini pada awal abad ke-20, yang terus dilawan oleh terutama para ulama secara konsisten. Beberapa ulama kontemporer seperti Syaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, mantan Grand Qadi Nigeria Utara, memberikan kontribusi signifikan dalam membentuk dimensi baru peran ulama dalam pemerintahan Nigeria modern. Sejak tahun 1999 para ulama telah mengambil peran baru dalam pemerintahan, sebagai pegawai Kementerian Agama yang baru didirikan, sebagai penasihat ahli, atau direktur komisi seperti Hisbah, Haji, Masjid, Rukyah Hilal, dan badan-badan pemerintah terkait lainnya, dengan gaji penuh. Peran baru dari ulama dan pengaruhnya dalam pemerintahan Nigeria kontemporer inilah yang menjadi fokus tulisan ini.]
Politics, Ulama, and the Society
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries Burdah, Ibnu
Al-Jamiah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jamiah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485

Abstract

The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]
Religion for Revolution: Shifting Perceptions of Bodily Ritual in the Lebanese Shi‘a Community Savannah Danielle Dodd
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.375-389

Abstract

This paper applies Cartesian and Weberian theories of rationalization and Leslie Sharp’s concept of bodily commodification to the transition in the observance of Ashura from practices of bodily mortification to blood donation among the Shi‘a community in Lebanon. The author argues that this shift politicizes salvation and sacralises revolution through a process of rationalization, made possible through the invocation of the Karbala Paradigm, in order to facilitate the commodification of blood for political activism. This shift in ritual practice for the commodification of blood has occurred as a result of three key transitions: (i) from body/self-unity to body/self-dualism; (ii) from salvation in the next world to salvation in this world; and (iii) from personal salvation to societal salvation.[Dengan merujuk teori rasionalisasi model Descartes dan Weber serta konsep komodifikasi tubuh dari Leslie Sharp, tulisan ini menelusur pergeseran yang terjadi pada ritual Ashura dari praktik melukai diri menjadi kegiatan donor darah di kalangan Syiah di Lebanon. Proses ini, menurut penulis, telah mengubah konsep penyelamatan dan revolusi sakral melalui proses rasionali­sasi. Hal ini terjadi dengan memakai Paradigma Karbala sebagai media komodifikasi darah untuk aktivisme politik. Pergeseran komodifikasi darah dalam praktik ritual ini terjadi melalui tiga transisi utama: (i) dari kesatuan diri menjadi dualisme diri; (ii) dari keselamatan akhirat menjadi keselamatan dunia; dan (iii) dari penyelamatan pribadi menjadi penyelamatan sosial].
Salahuddin Wahid and the Defence of Minority Rights in Contemporary Indonesia Asfa Widiyanto
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.271-307

Abstract

This paper discussed the role and authority of Salahuddin Wahid, a prominent muslim scholar, who actively promotes the minority rights in modern-day Indonesia. His credentials as a traditional ulama coming from the tradition of a pesantren allow him to become an authority in Islamic matters. Salahuddin’s recognition as muslim scholar is in some ways observable from his responses to religious questions posed by the people, either directly or through social media. A general observation of Salahuddin’s Twitter account will allows us to realize that he also represent an authority in “cyber-Islam”. He felt the growing importance of social media, as well as the necessity to promote inclusive religiosity and the respect of minority rights through social media, accordingly he actively promotes his ideas through social media most particularly Twitter. Some issues have been discussed to overview Salahuddin’s ideas to best promote minority rights. His activism can be felt most notably in the following issues: ethnic minorities, women’s rights, religious minorities, diminishing the violence against the Ahmadiyya, and the marriage of religious minorities.[Paper ini membincangkan peran dan otoritas Salahuddin Wahid, seorang intelektual muslim terkemuka yang aktif mempromosikan hak-hak kelompok minoritas di Indonesia. Karisma yang dimilikinya sebagai seorang ulama yang berasal dari kalangan pesantren tradisional memberinya sebuah otoritas dalam berbagai aspek ajaran Islam. Keulamaannya dalam batas tertentu dapat ditelusuri lewat respons yang diberikan atas pertanyaan masyarakat yang diajukan kepadanya, baik secara langsung maupun lewat sosial media. Pengamatan umum terhadap akun Twitter Salahuddin Wahid sekaligus menunjukkan otoritasnya di dunia maya. Dia sadar betul pentingnya sosial media sebagaimana pentingnya mempromosikan keberagamaan inklusif dan penghormatan terhadap hak-hak kelompok minoritas. Karenanya, dia aktif menyuarakan pendapatnya lewat sosial media, khususnya Twitter. Beberapa masalah didiskusikan dalam tulisan ini untuk melihat secara umum pemikiran Salahuddin Wahid terkait dengan hak-hak kelompok minoritas: minoritas etnis, minoritas agama, hak-hak perempuan, kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyyah, dan pernikahan antar agama.]
New Trends in Islamic Political Parties in the Arab Spring Countries Ibnu Burdah
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.459-485

Abstract

The recent developments of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring countries show new orientation and agendas, i.e. reconfirmation of their commitment to democratic values, strengthening civil society, and adopting human rights principles. In the same time, they indicate not to be interested in the old Islamic agendas relating to jihad for Islamic states (dawlah Islāmiyah) and “global Islamic government” under one centralized caliphate (al-khilāfah al-Islāmiyyah). It is the case of Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, Freedom and Justice Party (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) in Egypt, and Awakening Party (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) in Tunis. This paper seeks to explore and explain this new fact. Based on literary research and interviews with the leaders of the Justice and Development Party (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) in Morocco, the paper concludes that the new orientation and agendas of Islamic political parties in the Arab spring states are related to democratization in the world, strong waves of Arab spring in many Arab states, and the dynamics of the internal parties.[Perkembangan mutakhir partai-partai politik Islam di sejumlah negara Arab “Musim Semi” menunjukkan adanya perubahan orientasi dan agenda baru, berupa penegasan kembali komitmen mereka terhadap nilai-nilai demokrasi, penguatan masyarakat sipil, dan adopsi prinsip-prinsip hak asasi manusia. Pada saat yang sama, mereka tampak kurang tertarik kepada agenda-agenda politik Islam lama seperti jihad bagi pendirian negara Islam dan pendirian pemerintahan Islam global di bawah satu khalifah yang tersentralisasi. Hal ini relevan terhadap kasus Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan (Ḥizb al-‘Adālah wa’l-Tanmiyah) di Maroko, Partai Kebebasan dan Keadilan (Ḥizb al-Ḥurriyyah wa’l-‘Adālah) di Mesir, dan Partai Kebangkitan (Ḥizb al-Nahḍah) di Tunisia. Artikel ini berupaya mengeksplorasi dan menjelaskan fakta baru ini. Berdasarkan kajian pustaka dan wawancara dengan sejumlah petinggi Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan di Maroko, penulis berkesimpulan bahwa orientasi baru ini terjadi akibat dari gelombang demokratisasi dunia, “angin kencang musim semi” Arab yang begitu kuat, dan dinamika internal partai.]

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