cover
Article Per Year (5 Year)
All
Home Page
OAI Link
Editorial Team
Contact
Reviewer
Google Scholar
Contact Name
-
Contact Email
aljamiah@uin-suka.ac.id
Phone
+62274-558186
Journal Mail Official
aljamiah@uin-suka.ac.id
Editorial Address
Gedung Wahab Hasbullah UIN Sunan Kalijaga Jln. Marsda Adisucipto No 1
Location
Kab. sleman,
Daerah istimewa yogyakarta
INDONESIA
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Published by Universitas Islam Negeri Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta
ISSN : 0126012X     EISSN : 2338557X     DOI : 10.14421
Core Subject : Religion, Humanities,
Religion Humanities
Al-Jamiah invites scholars, researchers, and students to contribute the result of their studies and researches in the areas related to Islam, Muslim society, and other religions which covers textual and fieldwork investigation with various perspectives of law, philosophy, mysticism, history, art, theology, sociology, anthropology, political science and others.
Arjuna Subject : Seni dan Humaniora - Studi Agama
Articles 28 Documents
 1   2   3 
Search results for , issue "Vol 52, No 2 (2014)" : 28 Documents clear
Ibn Khaldūn’s Social Thought on Bedouin and Ḥaḍar Moh. Pribadi
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.417-433

Abstract

Through the framework of modern sociological theory equipped with methods of historical and sociological interpretation of the text, this study attempted to explain Ibn Khaldūn’s social thought, especially the Bedouin and ḥaḍar, in ‘ilm al-‘umrān. Ibn Khaldūn’s idea on social importance was about the bedouin and ḥaḍar community along with their social solidarity. Both communities had their respective characteristics. Nomadic society which was identical to the bedouin community had a social structure and specificity as tendency in virtue, warm relationship, and uniformity, while ḥaḍar society had a structure and social peculiarities such as pluralist, pragmatic, and hedonists. In terms of lifestyle, bedouin society looked more dynamic than ḥaḍar. Bedouin way of life was characterized by moving from one place to another, and this made this community smart in formulating the vision, mission, programs, and targets to be achieved in life. Bedouin specificity was reflected in their lives’ readiness and supplies, one thing that was not visible in the community of ḥaḍar. Meanwhile, with their prosperity, ḥaḍar people were busy with urban activity and civil society development. Ibn Khaldūn had sought to understand human being and his existence individually or socially through ‘ilm al-‘umrān. His social methodology reflected his overall views through observation of social reality in a comprehensive manner. The author argued that Ibn Khaldūn’s social methodology that combined data and social facts with religion could be a reference and served as an example of a comprehensive approach. Ibn Khaldūn’s another important idea was on the development of community intelligence which included three stages: tamyīzī, tajrībī, and naẓārī.[Melalui kerangka teori sosiologi modern serta metode penafsiran teks secara historis-sosiologis, penelitian ini berusaha untuk menjelaskan pemikiran sosial Ibn Khaldun tentang masyarakat badui dan ḥaḍar. Ide Ibnu Khaldun tentang masyarakat dapat dilihat pada konsepnya mengenai dua masyarakat ini beserta solidaritas sosial mereka, dengan karakteristik masing-masing. Masyarakat nomaden yang identik dengan masyarakat badui memiliki struktur sosial dan spesifisitas dengan kecenderungan pada kebajikan, ramah, dan keseragaman; sementara masyarakat ḥaḍar memiliki struktur dan kekhasan sosial seperti pluralis, pragmatis, dan hedonis. Dalam hal gaya hidup, masyarakat badui tampak lebih dinamis daripada ḥaḍar. Cara hidup masyarakat badui ditandai dengan terus berpindah dari satu tempat ke tempat lain, dan ini membuat komunitas ini cerdas dalam merumuskan visi, misi, program, dan sasaran yang ingin dicapai dalam hidup. Spesifisitas badui tercermin dalam kesiap-siagaan mereka, satu hal yang tidak terlihat dalam komunitas ḥaḍar. Sementara itu, dengan kemakmuranya, orang ḥaḍar sibuk dengan aktivitas perkotaan dan pembangunan masyarakat sipil. Ibn Khaldun telah berusaha untuk memahami manusia dan keberadaannya secara individu ataupun sosial melalui ‘ilm al-‘umrān. Metodologi sosialnya mencerminkan pandangannya secara keseluruhan melalui pengamatan realitas sosial secara komprehensif. Penulis berpendapat bahwa metodologi sosial Ibn Khaldun yang menggabungkan data dan fakta sosial dengan agama bisa menjadi referensi dan contoh pendekatan yang komprehensif. Ide penting Ibnu Khaldun lainnya adalah tentang perkembangan kecerdasan masyarakat yang meliputi tiga tahap: tamyīzī, tajrībī, dan naẓārī.]
When Ulama Support A Pop Singer: Fatin Sidqiah and Islamic Pop Culture in Post-Suharto Indonesia Wahyudi Akmaliah
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.351-373

Abstract

Television, music videos, films, and pop bands are all part of global popular culture and thought to be the product of “the west”. These media are therefore often seen as a threat to the identities of nationalities, local cultures, and religious groups. In contrast, in the context of Indonesian Muslims, the Indonesian Ulama Council’s (Majelis Ulama Indonesia, MUI) showed support for Fatin Shidqia Lubis to the singing contest of Indonesian X Factor, 2013. This paper intends to study the presence of Fatin Sidqiah as the winner of Indonesian X Factor and the response of Indonesian muslims regarding Islamic popular culture in Indonesia. This paper argues that the presence of Islamic popular culture in Indonesia through books, novels, films, as well as fashion, show that Indonesian Islam and muslims are compatible not only with democracy but also with global popular culture. In addition, the presence of Fatin is a symbol of young Indonesian muslims who already connect globally. Whatever they consume in terms of popular culture is intrinsic to the creation of their hybrid identities, as both Indonesian muslims and global citizens.[Televisi, musik, film, dan bands merupakan bagian dari budaya popular dunia dan selalu dipandang sebagai produk “barat”. Karenanya, media ini sering dianggap sebagai ancaman bagi identitas nasional, budaya lokal, dan kelompok agama. Namun, dalam konteks keindonesiaan, Majelis Ulama Indonesia (MUI) memberikan dukungan kepada Fatin Sidqia Lubis dalam kompetisi menyanyi “Indonesian X Factor” Tahun 2013. Tulisan ini mencoba menelisik kemunculan Fatin sebagai pemenang “Indonesian X Factor” dan tanggapan masyarakat mengenai budaya pop Islam di Indonesia. Melalui artikel ini penulis berpendapat bahwa kehadiran budaya pop di Indonesia dalam berbagai buku, novel, film, serta pakaian menunjukkan bahwa Islam dan masyarakat Islam di Indonesia tidak hanya sejalan dengan demokrasi, tetapi juga dengan budaya pop dunia. Lebih dari itu, Fatin adalah simbol muslim muda Indonesia yang telah terhubung dengan dunia. Apa pun yang mereka nikmati dalam hal budaya pop telah menciptakan identitas ganda: sebagai muslim Indonesia sekaligus sebagai warga dunia.]
Comparing Religious Education in Indonesia and Japan M. Agus Nuryatno
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.435-458

Abstract

This paper compares the way in which religious education has been performed in Indonesia and Japan in terms of context, theory, history, policy, practice, and impact. Generally speaking, the practice of religious education in the two countries is far different in that Indonesia has strong support to religious education, while Japan has weak support to the practice of religious education. This is due to the fact that not only the characteristics of the societies of the two countries are different, but also the two do embrace different state’s ideology. In addition families in the two societies play a crucial role in determining the existence and practice of religious education.[Tulisan ini membandingkan pengajaran agama antara Indonesia dan Jepang dalam hal konteks, teori, sejarah, kebijakan, dan pengaruhnya. Secara umum dapat dikatakan bahwa pendidikan agama di kedua negara ini sangat berbeda. Di Indonesia, pemerintah memberikan dukungan besar terhadap pendidikan agama, sementara pemerintah Jepang sangat kurang mendukung pendidikan agama. Hal ini tidak hanya dikarenakan karakter masyarakat dari kedua negara ini yang sangat berbeda, tetapi juga disebabkan ideologi dari kedua negara ini yang juga berbeda. Terlepas dari itu, di kedua negara ini lembaga keluarga memiliki peran yang cukup krusial dalam menentukan eksistensi dan pelaksanaan pendidikan agama.]
The Fiqh Paradigm for the Pancasila State: Abdurrahman Wahid’s Thoughts on Islam and the Republic of Indonesia Saefur Rochmat
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.309-329

Abstract

The Republic of Indonesia was not established as a purely secular state as muslims constitute the majority of Indonesians. Indeed, they were divided into three main paradigms: secular, theocratic, and fiqh. The Pancasila state was the result of a gentlemen’s agreement amongst different muslim groups with different paradigms. The regimes of Soekarno and Soeharto considered that the Pancasila state was unique to the Indonesian character and accordingly these leaders tried to unify these different paradigms following Prof Soepomo’s idea of an integralistic state in which the state gives more power to the executive. This idea of an integralistic state is, however, alien to the secular, theocratic, and fiqh paradigms so that this failed to resolve the conflict. In this regard, Abdurrahman Wahid tries to resolve the ideological conflict by incorporating modern sciences into the fiqh paradigm. This fiqh paradigm has supported the establishment of the Republic of Indonesia, but also, according to Wahid, is able to harmonize secular and Islamic aspirations in the national political system.[Republik Indonesia tidak didirikan berdasarkan konsep murni sebuah negara sekuler karena muslim merupakan mayoritas rakyat Indonesia. Muslim Indonesia terbagi dalam tiga paradigma utama: sekular, teokratik, dan fikih. Bentuk negara Pancasila merupakan hasil kesepakatan ketiga kelompok paradigma tersebut. Regime Soekarno dan Soeharto memahami Negara Pancasila sebagai budaya asli bangsa Indonesia dan mereka berusaha menyatukan pendukung ketiga paradigma itu berdasarkan konsep negara integralistic yang diperkenalkan oleh Prof. Soepomo. Namun konsep negara integralistik ini tidak dikenal dalam ketiga paradigm itu, sehingga gagal menyelesaikan konflik. Dalam hal ini Abdurrahman Wahid berusaha menyelesaikan konflik ideologis dengan cara mengadaptasi pengetahuan modern ke dalam paradigma fikih. Paradigma fikih tidak hanya mendukung berdirinya Republik Indonesia, tetapi juga mampu mengharmoniskan aspirasi sekular dan religius dalam sistem politik nasional.]
The New Role of Ulama in Nigeria: Focus on the Post 1999 Democratic Dispensation Mukhtar Umar Bunza
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.391-415

Abstract

Nigeria is a country with a centuries’ long tradition of Islamic revivalism and activism. It was the impact of the activities of the 17th century scholars of Nigeria that culminated in the success of the 19th century tajdeed movement that brought about the emergence of the muslim caliphate of Sokoto. British imperialism brought an end to the caliphate in the beginning of the 20th century, the circumstances of which have been consistently challenged mainly by the ulama and their followers ever since. Some contemporary scholars such as Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, former Grand Qadi of Northern Nigeria, contributed significantly in the new dimension to the roles of muslim scholars in the government. Since 1999 muslim scholars have taken on new roles in the administration of states, serving as commissioners for newly established ministries for Religious Affairs, as special advisers, or directors of commissions like Hisbah, Hajj, Masjid, Moon Sighting, and other related government bodies, with full salaries and other benefits unlike ever before in the Nigerian system. This new role of ulama and its impacts in the governance of the contemporary Nigeria is what this paper intends to investigate and expound.[Nigeria merupakan sebuah negara dengan tradisi revivalisme dan aktivisme Islam selama berabad-abad. Hal itu terkait dengan upaya para ulama Nigeria abad ke-17 yang berpuncak pada keberhasilan gerakan tajdid pada abad 19 dengan munculnya kekhalifahan muslim dari Sokoto. Imperialisme Inggris mengakhiri kekhalifahan ini pada awal abad ke-20, yang terus dilawan oleh terutama para ulama secara konsisten. Beberapa ulama kontemporer seperti Syaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gummi, mantan Grand Qadi Nigeria Utara, memberikan kontribusi signifikan dalam membentuk dimensi baru peran ulama dalam pemerintahan Nigeria modern. Sejak tahun 1999 para ulama telah mengambil peran baru dalam pemerintahan, sebagai pegawai Kementerian Agama yang baru didirikan, sebagai penasihat ahli, atau direktur komisi seperti Hisbah, Haji, Masjid, Rukyah Hilal, dan badan-badan pemerintah terkait lainnya, dengan gaji penuh. Peran baru dari ulama dan pengaruhnya dalam pemerintahan Nigeria kontemporer inilah yang menjadi fokus tulisan ini.]
The Apprehensions of Traditional Ulama towards Women’s Participation in Politics in Nigeria Adebayo Rafiu Ibrahim
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.331-350

Abstract

Throughout the political history of Islam, women played significant political roles in the affairs of muslim states. This, however, has not been the situation in Nigeria where muslim women are skeptical about their involvement in politics, seeing it as an exclusively male domain. This has been so probably because of the voice of ulama against women’s participation in politics or the general belief that politics is a dirty game which is not meant for women. The big question then is why do Nigerian ulama resist women’s involvement in politics? Further, would muslims not stand the risk of losing their political potentiality should they remain indifferent to political participation by women? And, how do female muslim elites who have a flair for politics feel about their lack of political voice: would this not affect their spiritual or religious interests in the long run? This paper explores Islamic political history for the purpose of discovering the extent of muslim women’s involvement in politics, and the reasons for the non-involvement of muslim women in the nation’s politics from the viewpoint of the traditional ulama in the country. [Sepanjang sejarah Islam, wanita memainkan peran penting dalam politik di banyak negara muslim. Namun, hal ini tidak terjadi di Nigeria, karena wanitanya ragu terhadap peran mereka di kancah politik yang memang didominasi oleh para lelaki. Ini terjadi karena ulama menentang keterlibatan wanita di politik serta pandangan bahwa politik itu kotor dan tidak sesuai untuk wanita. Pertanyaannya kenapa para ulama menentang wanita berpolitik? Lalu, apakah mereka tidak rugi secara politis jika tidak peduli dengan partisipasi wanita? Bagaimana juga para wanita muslim itu tidak merasa kurang bersuara dalam politik: apakah ini tidak mempengaruhi spiritualitas dan kepentingan jangka panjang? Paper ini meneliti sejarah politik Islam terkait dengan peran wanita di politik, juga alasan kenapa mereka tidak terlibat menurut kaum ulama tradisional di Nigeria.]
Politics, Ulama, and the Society Editor Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

The Political Identity of Ulama in the 2014 Indonesian Presidential Election Leni Winarni
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 52, No 2 (2014)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2014.522.257-269

Abstract

The Indonesian presidential election of 2014 was possibly the most exciting, lively, intriguing, emotional, and brutish in the history of presidential elections since reformation in 1998. This paper explores the relationship between the political identities of ulama and their political views in the 2014 Indonesian presidential election. It  argues that their political endorsement of presidential candidates is not based on interest but on their political identity. By using constructivist ideas about identity, ulama’s political identities are constantly changing and influenced by factors beyond identity. This idea also emphasizes that identity is created and subjective. Transformation of the political identities of ulama is a way of showing their existence in the period since Indonesian independence in 1945. This paper explores how the political identities expressed by ulama influenced voters in the recent presidential election. How did their political identity affect both the kinds of political measures they took and their support for one of the president candidates? Did the ulama play a substantial political role in election of President Joko Widodo, or were there other factors? Is their political identity the salient factor in their support for either Prabowo Subianto or Joko Widodo? [Pemilu presiden tahun 2014 memang sangat menarik, hidup, penuh emosi, bahkan penuh intrik, jika dibandingkan dengan sebelumnya sejak 1998. Paper ini meneliti hubungan politik identitas yang dibawa oleh ulama dan pandangan politiknya pada pemilihan presiden Indonesia tahun 2014. Paper ini menemukan bahwa pandangan mereka tentang calon presiden tidak sertamerta menyangkut kepentingan politik, tetapi lebih pada politik identitas. Politik identitas para ulama terus berubah dan dipengaruhi oleh banyak hal di luar identitas tersebut. Ini juga menegaskan bahwa identitas itu ciptaan dan sekaligus subjektif. Transformasi politik identitas para ulama merupakan cara mereka menampakkan keberadaannya, bahkan sejak masa kemerdekaan 1945. Paper ini meneliti politik identitas yang ditampakkan para ulama yang mempengaruhi para pemilih dalam pemilu presiden. Bagaimana politik identitas itu berpengaruh pada politik dan pilihan serta dukungan presiden? Apakah ulama memainkan sesuatu dalam proses terpilihnya Presiden Joko Widodo, atau adakah faktor lain? Apakah hanya identitas yang menjadi satu-satunya faktor  untuk mendukung Prabowo Subianto atau Joko Widodo?]

Page 3 of 3 | Total Record : 28

 1   2   3 

Filter by Year

2014 2014


Reset
Filter By Issues
All Issue Vol 63, No 1 (2025) Vol 62, No 2 (2024) Vol 62, No 1 (2024) Vol 61, No 2 (2023) Vol 61, No 1 (2023) Vol 60, No 2 (2022) Vol 60, No 1 (2022) Vol 59, No 2 (2021) Vol 59, No 1 (2021) Vol 58, No 2 (2020) Vol 58, No 1 (2020) Vol 57, No 2 (2019) Vol 57, No 1 (2019) Vol 56, No 2 (2018) Vol 56, No 1 (2018) Vol 56, No 1 (2018) Vol 55, No 2 (2017) Vol 55, No 2 (2017) Vol 55, No 1 (2017) Vol 55, No 1 (2017) Vol 54, No 2 (2016) Vol 54, No 2 (2016) Vol 54, No 1 (2016) Vol 54, No 1 (2016) Vol 53, No 2 (2015) Vol 53, No 2 (2015) Vol 53, No 1 (2015) Vol 53, No 1 (2015) Vol 52, No 2 (2014) Vol 52, No 2 (2014) Vol 52, No 1 (2014) Vol 52, No 1 (2014) Vol 51, No 2 (2013) Vol 51, No 2 (2013) Vol 51, No 1 (2013) Vol 51, No 1 (2013) Vol 50, No 2 (2012) Vol 50, No 2 (2012) Vol 50, No 1 (2012) Vol 50, No 1 (2012) Vol 49, No 2 (2011) Vol 49, No 2 (2011) Vol 49, No 1 (2011) Vol 49, No 1 (2011) Vol 48, No 2 (2010) Vol 48, No 2 (2010) Vol 48, No 1 (2010) Vol 48, No 1 (2010) Vol 47, No 2 (2009) Vol 47, No 2 (2009) Vol 47, No 1 (2009) Vol 47, No 1 (2009) Vol 46, No 2 (2008) Vol 46, No 2 (2008) Vol 46, No 1 (2008) Vol 46, No 1 (2008) Vol 45, No 2 (2007) Vol 45, No 2 (2007) Vol 45, No 1 (2007) Vol 45, No 1 (2007) Vol 44, No 2 (2006) Vol 44, No 2 (2006) Vol 44, No 1 (2006) Vol 44, No 1 (2006) Vol 43, No 2 (2005) Vol 43, No 2 (2005) Vol 43, No 1 (2005) Vol 43, No 1 (2005) Vol 42, No 2 (2004) Vol 42, No 2 (2004) Vol 42, No 1 (2004) Vol 42, No 1 (2004) Vol 41, No 2 (2003) Vol 41, No 1 (2003) Vol 41, No 1 (2003) Vol 40, No 2 (2002) Vol 40, No 1 (2002) Vol 39, No 2 (2001) Vol 39, No 1 (2001) Vol 38, No 2 (2000) Vol 38, No 1 (2000) No 64 (1999) No 63 (1999) No 62 (1998) No 61 (1998) No 60 (1997) No 59 (1996) No 58 (1995) No 57 (1994) No 56 (1994) No 55 (1994) No 54 (1994) No 53 (1993) No 52 (1993) No 51 (1993) No 50 (1992) No 49 (1992) No 48 (1992) No 47 (1991) No 46 (1991) No 45 (1991) No 44 (1991) No 43 (1990) No 42 (1990) No 41 (1990) No 40 (1990) No 39 (1989) No 38 (1989) No 37 (1989) No 36 (1988) No 35 (1987) No 34 (1986) No 33 (1985) No 32 (1984) No 31 (1984) No 30 (1983) No 29 (1983) No 28 (1982) No 27 (1982) No 26 (1981) No 25 (1981) No 24 (1980) No 23 (1980) No 22 (1980) No 21 (1979) No 20 (1978) No 19 (1978) No 18 (1978) No 17 (1977) No 16 (1977) No 14 (1976) No 12 (1976) No 11 (1975) No 10 (1975) No 9 (1975) No 8 (1975) More Issue