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Between Development and Democracy: A Comparative Analysis of Neo-Developmentalism in Indonesia and Singapore Yusa Djuyandi; Luis Fiska Rahayu; Herry Soesanto
Journal of Social Work and Science Education Vol. 7 No. 3 (2026): Journal of Social Work and Science Education
Publisher : Yayasan Sembilan Pemuda Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52690/jswse.v7i3.1568

Abstract

This article provides a comparative analysis of developmentalism and neo-developmentalism in Indonesia and Singapore, two Southeast Asian states with divergent political systems but shared development aspirations. While Singapore is widely recognized as a model developmental state, Indonesia under President Joko Widodo has been characterized as adopting a neo-developmentalist approach. This study asks: what are the key preconditions for successful developmentalism, and what are its political implications in these two contexts? Using a qualitative, comparative case study design based on secondary sources, we find that Singapore’s success rests on prior, deep bureaucratic reforms including anti-corruption measures and meritocracy that enabled effective state intervention. In contrast, Indonesia’s neo-developmentalism prioritizes debureaucratization and deregulation (e.g., the Omnibus Law), reflecting a stronger neoliberal influence. Both countries, however, show a similar consequence: the subordination of civil liberties and democratic rights to developmental goals. The article concludes that pre-conditions matter more than policy slogans, and that the trade-off between development and political freedom remains unresolved in both models.
Indonesia’s Strategy to Face China’s Aggressiveness in the North Natuna Sea: A Defense Policy Perspective 2014–2023 Ristu Tri Hastawan; Muradi Muradi; Yusa Djuyandi
Journal of Social Work and Science Education Vol. 7 No. 3 (2026): Journal of Social Work and Science Education
Publisher : Yayasan Sembilan Pemuda Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52690/jswse.v7i3.1555

Abstract

This research aims to identify the forms of China’s aggressiveness, analyze how Indonesia formulated and implemented its defense politics, and assess the effectiveness of such responses in safeguarding Indonesia’s sovereignty and sovereign rights in the North Natuna Sea. This study employs a qualitative approach with a descriptive research design. Data were collected through semi-structured interviews and documentation, consisting of primary data from informants involved in the formulation and implementation of defense policy, as well as secondary data from official documents, academic literature, and relevant regulations. Data were analyzed qualitatively through classification, categorization, interpretation, and triangulation of sources and methods. The findings reveal that Indonesia’s defense politics during 2014–2023 were carried out through an adaptive, measured, and integrative approach by combining defense posture strengthening, maritime patrols, law enforcement, defense diplomacy, and international legal legitimacy. This defense politics was relatively effective in preventing the establishment of China’s de facto control over Indonesia’s jurisdictional waters and in maintaining regional stability, although it still faced challenges such as power asymmetry, limited maritime capacity, the complexity of gray zone threats, and inter-agency coordination constraints.
When Comedy Meets Politics: Symbolic Capital and The Electoral Phenomenon of Komeng in Indonesia’s 2024 DPD Election Muhammad Fadhil Abdur Rahim; Yusa Djuyandi; Ratnia Solihah
Journal of Social Work and Science Education Vol. 7 No. 3 (2026): Journal of Social Work and Science Education
Publisher : Yayasan Sembilan Pemuda Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52690/jswse.v7i3.1590

Abstract

This study analyzes how Alfiansyah Bustami Komeng utilized symbolic capital to secure 5,399,699 votes, the highest nationally in Indonesia’s 2024 Regional Representative Council (DPD) election from West Java. Employing a descriptive qualitative approach with a single instrumental case study grounded in Bourdieu’s theory of capital, the research draws on official KPU documents, national media coverage (January–April 2024), social media data, and academic literature. The findings identify two primary symbolic capital dimensions: (1) popularity/fame accumulated over 35 years in the entertainment industry, and (2) a positively perceived charismatic image reinforced by an anti-expensive-politics narrative and absence of scandal. The study reveals that the DPD’s non-partisan, personal-vote-based First-Past-The-Post system structurally advantages high-symbolic-capital candidates. Komeng’s atypical zero-cost campaign centered on a viral ballot photograph and official name change amplified his symbolic capital into substantial electoral appeal. This research extends Bourdieusian theory by demonstrating how symbolic capital functions as a legitimacy heuristic in Global South democracies characterized by information asymmetry. The findings carry implications for understanding celebrity politics, institutional design of non-partisan representation, and the quality of electoral democracy in Indonesia.