Wibisono, Ali Abdullah
Departemen Ilmu Hubungan Internasional, Universitas Indonesia

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PERAN NEGARA DALAM MENJAMIN KEBUTUHAN RAKYATNYA STUDI KASUS STRATEGI KEAMANAN ENERGI TIONGKOK DI KAZAKHSTAN (2000-2014) Roby Rakhmadi; Agil Kurniadi; Ali Abdullah Wibisono
SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya Vol 23 No 1 (2021): SOSIOLOGI: Jurnal Ilmiah Kajian Ilmu Sosial dan Budaya
Publisher : Jurusan Sosiologi Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Universitas Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.23960/sosiologi.v23i1.21

Abstract

This research explores China’s strategy in Kazakhstan in pursuing it’s energy security from 2000 till 2014. For China, energy security is vital for the continuation of it’s economic growth and people wellfare so that they take every risk bravely to ensure it’s fulfillment. From Kazakhstan, China is looking forward to move freely in Central Asia region by means of constructing pipeline infrastructure to carry oil and gas into it’s territory. Through this research writer formulate problem why China develop pipeline strategy in Kazakhstan for ensuring their energy supply. This research purpose is to understand China’s pipeline strategy in ensuring the link of energy supply. Using Mason Willrich Theory, China as importer country must ensure supply from abroad because China do not have much energy reserves in it’s territory. Data processing is conducted by qualitative methodology. The final result of this research such as first, development of oil and gas pipeline built by China is the chance to get direct energy source from the producer country. Second China try to increase relations in all of sectors which began from energy. Third, China try to form interdependence condition with Central Asian States as energy supplier and China as producer of finished goods. The writer get conclusion that final results is tested scientifically.
ASEAN-China Security Relations: Traditional and Non-Traditional Aspects Ali Abdullah Wibisono
Global Strategis Vol. 11 No. 1 (2017): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (238.903 KB) | DOI: 10.20473/jgs.11.1.2017.39-54

Abstract

Both ASEAN and China used the concept of Non-Traditional Security (NTS) in order to pursue security diplomacy in the Asia Pacific. For ASEAN, NTS is an area of security cooperation that allows it to drive the agenda of security architectures involving extra-regional powers such as the ASEAN Defense Ministerial Meeting Plus (ADMM+) and ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF). For China, NTS policy agenda allows it to gain acceptance among ASEAN member-states and an active role in the security agenda of ASEAN-led security architectures. The question that this article is pursuing is to what extent has ASEAN-China cooperation on NTS balanced between addressing the humanitarian aspect and the political objectives of security? This question is derived from the conceptual origin of NTS that stands on the importance of both the state and the individuals as the referent subjects of security. This article argues that ASEAN-China NTS cooperation emphasized more towards the strengthening of state’s capacity to deal with non-state actors’ transnational criminal activities, either for profit-seeking or subversive purposes. It is also apparent from evaluating the Memorandum of Understandings and Plans of Action between ASEAN and China that NTS cooperation is one China’s investments to engage a closer cooperation with ASEAN as well as a stronger presence in Southeast Asia’s strategic environment.
Kebijakan Respons Indonesia terhadap Problematika Teroris-Kombatan Transnasional Pasca Bom Bali 2002 [Indonesia’s Policy Response to Foreign Terrorist Fighter Problem In Post-2002 Bali Bombings] Ali Abdullah Wibisono
Jurnal Politica Vol 11, No 1 (2020): Jurnal Politica Mei 2020
Publisher : Sekretariat Jenderal DPR RI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22212/jp.v11i1.1543

Abstract

Indonesia's response to the problem of foreign terrorist fighters has changed from time to time. From the New Order era until the beginning of the reform period, tolerant attitude was applied. However, in the reform era, Indonesia's response changed from a humanitarian-based to prudence-based attitude. This article applies the theoretical mapping of counter-terrorism by David Crelinsten and explains that this change is not only due to perceptions of the potential threat of combatants returning to their homeland, but also the readiness of social reintegration and de-radicalization programs, adherence to international regimes, and domestic political processes. In addition to getting data on the dynamics and number of Indonesian combatants from mass media and journal articles, this article also processes data derived from proceedings of the revision of the anti-terrorism law passed in 2018. Indonesia's attitude towards the current problem of transnational terrorist- combatants is high selectivity, not total rejection or revocation of citizenship. Successful social reintegration for former combatants -- domestic and transnational -- remains a challenge to be addressed ahead.AbstrakRespons Indonesia terhadap problematika teroris-kombatan transnasional mengalami perubahan dari masa ke masa. Di era orde baru hingga awal masa reformasi, sikap toleran diterapkan. Sementara itu, di era reformasi respons Indonesia berubah dari sikap humaniter menjadi kehati-hatian. Artikel ini menerapkan pemetaan teoretik kontra-terorisme dari David Crelinsten dan menjelaskan bahwa perubahan ini tak hanya diakibatkan persepsi terhadap potensi ancaman kombatan yang kembali ke tanah air, tapi juga kesiapan program reintegrasi sosial dan deradikalisasi, kepatuhan kepada rezim internasional, dan proses politik domestik. Selain mendapatkan data tentang dinamika dan jumlah kombatan Indonesia dari media massa dan artikel-artikel jurnal, artikel ini juga mengolah data yang berasal dari prosiding revisi undang-undang anti-terorisme yang disahkan tahun 2018. Sikap Indonesia terhadap problematika teroris-kombatan transnasional saat ini adalah selektivitas tinggi, bukan penolakan total atau pencabutan kewarganegaraan. Kurangnya kemampuan untuk melakukan reintegrasi sosial bagi mantan kombatan, domestik maupun transnasional, menandai pekerjaan rumah yang masih tersisa. Penolakan pemerintah untuk memfasilitasi repatriasi tidak berarti penolakan total terhadap kepulangan semua teroris-kombatan transnasional, sehingga kepulangan individual dengan fasilitasi mandiri masih dimungkinkan. Penolakan ini merefleksikan keterbatasan kemampuan pemerintah dan masyarakat untuk merehabilitasi dan mereintegrasikan para teroris-kombatan, ketimbang reaksi terhadap potensi ancaman teroris-kombatan transnasional.
UPAYA PENANGANAN DAN PENCEGAHAN PEMERINTAH INDONESIA TERHADAP KASUS PENYANDERAAN WARGA NEGARA INDONESIA OLEH KELOMPOK ABU SAYYAF Meilinda Triana Pangaribuan; Ali Abdullah Wibisono; Benny Josua Mamoto
Jurnal Pemerintahan dan Politik Vol. 7 No. 3 (2022)
Publisher : Universitas Indo Global Mandiri

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36982/jpg.v7i3.2320

Abstract

This study goals to explain for the crimes that happen inside the Sulu Sea including kidnapping Indonesian citizens including the hostage of Indonesian citizens who led to the demand for ransom. This study uses qualitative research methods and the data sources are from studies of journals or reports from institutes or scientific writing. The reason of this study is to provide an explanation for how the Indonesian Government manages the kidnapping and Indonesia Goverment has the obligation to maintain the safety and security of its citizens, including the hostage incident by the Abu Sayyaf group and to provide an overview of the prevention efforts carried out. To analyze in this study, the author uses the concepts and theories are maritime piracy, maritime security, and international cooperation. The outcomes of this study, the handling of hostage-taking Indonesian citizens (WNI) by the Abu Sayyaf changed into carried out by the Government of Indonesia by conducting negotiations, both closed and open negotiations. Prevention efforts executed by the Government of Indonesia are by establishing cooperation Indomalphi with Malaysia and the Philippines. After the Indomalphi cooperation, there is no data showing the recurrence of Indonesian citizens being held hostage by the Abu Sayyaf group. The recommendation of advice in this paper is as a long-term prevention effort is the establishment of regional development cooperation and economic development between Indonesia and the southern Philippines. Cooperation in the field of culture, education, and in the social field. So that the cooperation is expected to build a close relationship between the two countries (sister city) can prevent the Abu Sayyaf group from kidnapping and hostage to Indonesian citizens.
Global Cyber Norms Subsidiarity (UN GGE and UN OEWG) within ASEAN’s Body Cloramidine, Feline; Wibisono, Ali Abdullah
Hasanuddin Journal of Strategic and International Studies (HJSIS) Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Hasanuddin University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20956/hjsis.v2i2.35313

Abstract

In the context of cybersecurity, ASEAN plays an important role as a normative extension that carries out norm subsidiarity of UN global cyber norms generated from UN GGE and UN OEWG processes. The subsidiarity of norms promoted by ASEAN serves to place any kind of global issues and global interest at the regional level, as well as regional issues and regional interest at the global level. This paper focuses on the implications of ASEAN as a regional institution in the context of cyber norm subsidiarity toward UN global cyber norms. This paper utilizes Acharya’s norm subsidiarity to explain how ASEAN performs a norm subsidiarity of UN’s cybersecurity norms. We argue that ASEAN’s norm subsidiarity role is possible due to the fact that the UN’s cybersecurity norms to regulate the responsible state behavior in cyberspace from the UN GGE and UN OEWG process were symmetrical to ASEAN Way’s emphasis on prioritization member states’ sovereignty and non-intervention principles. Furthermore, this article finds that the implication of ASEAN’s norm subsidiarity to the region’s own cybersecurity accomplishment is still unidentifiable. This article also finds that there are many factors affecting the process of norm subsidiarity in ASEAN, such as the heterogeneity within the institution and the lack of political will of the member states.