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Post-Colonialism Perspective: Why Turkey's Efforts to Join EU always 'Go Down in Flames'? Rizqullah, Muhammad Fawwaz Syafiq; Maulaya, Mahbi
Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 5, No 1 (2021): JUNE
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (776.227 KB) | DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v5i1.8602

Abstract

European Union (EU) is an economically advanced, politically reliable, socially progressive, and regionally integrated community, making the so-called 'the role model of world's regionalism' seem adorable in Turkey's lens. Having the opportunity to wave its flag in Brussels has been Turkey's foreign policy since 1987. Turkey's modus operandi to make the EU opening its door are enormous in scale. Yet, it does not mean that Turkey would quickly receive a lukewarm response from the EU. This paper lays down some theoretical arguments based on post-colonialism to discover why the EU has given a persistent rejection and derogation towards Turkey. As this paper stands in a post-colonialism stance, the Euro-centrism sense, which is embedded in the EU's way of thought, serves as the reason why intentional rejection is intensively addressed towards Turkey. This paper contains several features. After delivering a short introduction, there will be a modest explanation in picturing the used-theoretical framework. The discussion section stands upon three main questions; why does the EU treat Turkey differently from Greece? Is Turkey capable of fulfilling Copenhagen criteria? Does the EU tend to act in a discriminative manner to Turkey?
Global Times’ Framing for China’s Noopolitics in the South China Sea Maulaya, Mahbi; Wafi, Fadhlil
International Journal of Media and Communication Research Vol. 4 No. 2 (2023): International Journal of Media and Communication Research
Publisher : UIR Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25299/ijmcr.v4i2.13734

Abstract

The South China Sea (SCS) is an area of water endowed with rich natural resources and a strategic location for geopolitical interests. As the consequence, China has put the SCS in its list of the Great Rejuvenation Goals. China's modus operandi to attain its SCS ambition has been various in the way. It ranges from making land reclamation and artificial islands, sending citizens to artificial islands and further applying its jurisdiction and administration, conducting military activities, and wielding diplomacy efforts. Another path China undergoes to manifest its maritime empire in the SCS is media framing. This study highlights how China employs Global Times, its state-owned media, to construct the mind frame that the SCS belongs to China. To achieve the objective of the study, this paper use Zhongdang Pan and M Kosicky's framing analysis to identify Global Times' type of framing and qualitative method to seek the intention of the frame. This paper finds that Global Times assist the Chinese government in claiming the SCS by syntactic and rhetorical framing; dominantly quoting pro-China experts/academics/statesman, emphasising 'sovereignty' words and displaying a narration that the SCS belongs to China, using Chinese to name the islands in the SCS, and echoing 'no conflict in the SCS' rhetoric. This study proves that China is also pursuing its South China Sea Dream by exercising noopolitics.
Achieving Consensus in the South China Sea: Explaining Bilateralism's Bane and Multilateralism's Boon Maulaya, Mahbi
Nation State: Journal of International Studies Vol. 3 No. 2 (2020)
Publisher : Faculty of Economics and Social Science, Department of International Relations, Universitas Amikom Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24076/NSJIS.2020v3i2.331

Abstract

A prolonged debate arises whether bilateralism or multilateralism is the most effective path to achieve mutual consensus among parties in the South China Sea dispute. This study identifies bilateral approach negativity to settle such a complex and overlapping dispute existed in that area grounded by two considerations. First, bilateralism is a non-transparent scheme of bargaining process. Due to bilateral implementation only conducted by two states, the more powerful actor will escape from the scrutiny of others, thus making it possesses the opportunity to put forward discriminatory bid and robust sphere to suppress other party’s stance. The bilateral approach would result in a non-consensus agreement for less powerful parties. Second, the conflictual area draws the involvement of more than three sovereign parties with overlapping claims. Multilateralism, negotiation framework for multi-parties, is the most, perhaps the only, promising path to ease the existing tension numerous parties into the stage of consensus. Moreover, multilateralism may present positive norms – transparency and non-unilateralism – that could guide the involving parties to create consensus. The analysis of this paper obtained from utilization of qualitative data, library research methods, and by the comprehension of three conceptual frameworks, bilateralism, multilateralism, and consensus.
The Political Framing of the 2024 China-Indonesia Joint Statement Maulaya, Mahbi
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 27, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Political leaders always carefully choose what to say and how to state it, as all words count for influencing the public, explicitly or implicitly. Eventually, the ideas framed in a political statement are best understood contextually rather than merely textually. After Prabowo Subianto, the president of Indonesia, visited China in November 2024, both countries released a controversial joint statement. This article aims to analyse the political frames observable in the 2024 China-Indonesia joint statement with a discourse analysis method. The article found five political frames in the statement: 1) Indonesia agrees to China’s vision of global order; 2) China has a positive image as a trustworthy and non-discriminatory power; 3) Indonesia is open to intimate defence cooperation with China; 4) Indonesia aligns with and is on China’s side; 5) Indonesia supports China’s critical domestic and international ambition. With these findings, this paper argues that the joint statement is in favour of China politically and costs Indonesia its political image as a free, active, and democratic country.