Articles
<![CDATA[Dinamika Peran Ulama dalam Perpolitikan Nasional Pasca-Orde Baru ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 5, No 1 (2008): Problematika Reformasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v5i1.504
<![CDATA[In Indonesian national politics the ulenta clerics can be categorized in three groups First are those who percieved that religious and social Life cannot be separated There is no such separation in Islam Therefore they think that the involvement of ulema in a daily political matters is an obligation This group of ulerna play significant role and actively involved in political party Second those who also think that religious and social life including politics cannot be separated But they think it is not necessary for them to involve in political practice This group of ulenta even they concern with political and statehood problem they do not play as opponents of one of political party openly In the election this group of ulema participate to vote one of contestant but they do not participate in one of political party campaign Third those who do not care with political life They think that political life is not their significant concern This group limit their role only in moral religious matters They avoid political life as then think that it is too material world.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran Elit Lokal dalarn Reintegrasi Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM) Pasca MoU Helsinki ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 5, No 1 (2008): Problematika Reformasi ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v5i1.506
<![CDATA[Reintegration is not an easy task There are economics politics social and psychological problems from ex combatants when they have to reintegrate with its societies Due to the complexities of reintegration problems it needs comprehensive continued and synergy cooperation among them From field research there are some conditions that need to be addressed in order to create a good reintegration program Firsth it needs to create conditions that could build integrative behaviour from some groups towards implementation of Helsinki MoU Secondly it needs to build democracy infrastructure at local level as instrument of transfunction conflict Thirdly it needs central government consistency towards integration implementation with economic basis through some programs that could transform conflict from armed conflict into political struggle Fourthly it needs to strengthen the infrastructure ofreintegration implementer institution and also to prepare transfer ofresponsibilities from central to local government Fifthly all of stakeholders in Aceh need to be endorsed to actively participate in the reintegration program in order to create a permanent conflict resolution Sixthly the reintegration program need to be built continously not only limited to compensation find In this sense the program do not act as charity but as for strengthening the economic of ex combatants and other conflict vitims The program was hoped to overcome poverty and can be implemented continously Therefore it would need an independent controller institution in order to have an appropriate reintegration program.]]>
<![CDATA[Pemilih â€Hijau†di Kota Santri: Kasus Pemilu 2004 di Pekalongan ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 1, No 1 (2004): Pemilu Legislatif 2004 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v1i1.373
<![CDATA[The victory ofthe political party that carries the Islamic symbol or well known as the "green" (this is not to be confused with the green politics in ecological term) in the 2004 election in Pekalongan Regency, can not directly be implied that they will propose the "green" symbol (it is just like Islamic sharia, etc). The Pekalongan people and their influential leaders are more pragmatic to their interests than imposing the "green" politics. Furthermore, the Green didn't absolutely win in the local parliament. It has only a few more number than the "red" and "yellow" symbols. This means that the Green solidity is still questioned. A similar event of200I -when the election ofthe Mayor and the Deputy of Mayor was taken place- could happen again. In that time the Green was fragmented, fighting with their own individual or party interests. Therefore, the Pekalongan people needs to prove that their city deserve a called "the Santri City" -a city o f Islamic scholar-. The victory of the political party with the Green symbol doesn't have any effect yet, without real implementation in their daily life.]]>
<![CDATA[ETIKA PERANG DALAM ISLAM DAN TEORI JUST WAR ]]>
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 17, No 1 (2020): Perang dan Damai : Situasi Politik Internasional di Era Ketidakpastian ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Penelitian Politik ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v17i1.854
<![CDATA[Etika perang dalam Islam sudah ada sejak masa Rasulullah. Ada tahapan yang jelas sebelum perang dilaksanakan. Dalam peperangan, non-kombatan tidak boleh dibunuh. Pasukan Islam juga tidak diperkenankan merusak lingkungan dengan merusak pohon atau pun membunuh binatang peliharaan. Tawanan perang diperlakukan dengan baik. Etika perang dalam Islam itu bila dikaitkan dengan teori just war, terlihat sedikit bermasalah. Di bawah jus ad bellum, ada posisi yang tidak setara dari penghuni dar al-Islam dan dar al-harb. Di bawah jus in bello, gagasan diskriminasi kombatan dan non-kombatan dalam Islam tidak setara dengan prinsip modern kekebalan non-kombatan.Kata kunci: etika perang, Islam, teori just war]]>
<![CDATA[Problems of Iran's Economic Policy: The Rivalry of Conservatives and Reformists in Iran ]]>
<![CDATA[Afini Nurdina Utami]]>;
<![CDATA[M. Hamdan Basyar]]>
<![CDATA[ Budapest International Research and Critics Institute-Journal (BIRCI-Journal) Vol 5, No 3 (2022): Budapest International Research and Critics Institute August ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Budapest International Research and Critics University ]]>
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DOI: 10.33258/birci.v5i3.5945
<![CDATA[There are differing interests of the conservative and reformist camps in Iran's economic policy. The conservative camp wants Iran's economic system to run according to the ideals of the early revolution which rejected the Western system in implementing economic policies. Meanwhile, the reformist camp wants Iran's economic policies to follow the neoliberal concept. These policy changes along with the changes of Iranian Presidents, it has caused policy differences resulting in Iran having an unstable economy. This study wants to answer why the Iranian economy is unstable. This research uses a descriptive qualitative method through literature review. The results can be concluded that the factors that influence Iran's changing economic policies are rooted in the internal problems of the government institutions in Iran.]]>
<![CDATA[Perwujudan Competitive Authoritarianism di Turki pada Perencanaan dan Proses Referendum 2017 ]]>
<![CDATA[Karim, Abdul Hafizh]]>;
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Politik ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[Perwujudan Competitive Authoritarianism di Turki pada Perencanaan dan Proses Referendum 2017 Artikel ini membahas competitive authoritarian regime di Turki pada kasus referendum 2017. Referendum 2017 merupakan inisiasi Erdoğan yang sejak 2011 mengatakan bahwa Turki akan semakin kuat dan stabil apabila menganut sistem presidensial. Erdoğan didukung oleh AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi; Partai Keadilan dan Pembangunan) dan MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi; Partai Gerakan Nasionalis) di Parlemen, sedangkan HDP (Halkların Demokratik Partisi; Partai Demokratik Rakyat) dan CHP (Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi; Partai Rakyat Republik) menolak karena poin-poin amendemen dapat menghasilkan otoritarianisme di Turki. Referendum diselenggarakan pada kondisi darurat negara setelah kudeta gagal pada 2016 oleh kelompok Gülen. Pada perencanaan dan prosesnya, ditemukan beberapa dinamika politik yang terjadi di Turki, yaitu tindak represi terhadap kelompok oposisi, ketimpangan sumber daya dan akses kampanye, serta adanya indikasi kecurangan yang terjadi dalam proses referendum. Dengan demikian, temuan-temuan tersebut memperlihatkan bahwa rezim Erdoğan mengimplementasikan nilai-nilai competitive authoritarian pada kasus referendum 2017.]]>
<![CDATA[Strengthening Cybersecurity of The United Arab Emirates After The Establishment of diplomatic Relations With Israel ]]>
<![CDATA[Utami, Afini Nurdina]]>;
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal Of Middle East and Islamic Studies Vol. 9, No. 1 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UI Scholars Hub ]]>
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<![CDATA[The United Arab Emirates established diplomatic relations with Israel in September 2020. This decision is in line with the United Arab Emirates' national commitment to enhance the development of the country's potential. The two countries agreed to enhance cooperation in the fields of cyber and technology. The regional threat posed by Iran is one of the factors driving cooperation between the two countries in the field of cybersecurity. This study aims to answer the background of the two countries’ increasing cooperation in the field of cybersecurity and how to strengthen cybersecurity as one of the objectives of cooperation after the inauguration of diplomatic relations between the two countries. This research uses a descriptive qualitative method through literature review method. The study concluded that the strengthening of cybersecurity between the United Arab Emirates and Israel increased significantly after normalization with various activities and agreements such as the holding of Cyber-tech Global Dubai, joint training in the field of cybersecurity, and the construction of the first UAE-Israel startup company that puts the cybersecurity theme forward.]]>
<![CDATA[OLIGARKI DAN TERTUNDANYA PEMILU 2022 DI SUDAN PASCA LENGSERNYA PRESIDEN BASHIR ]]>
<![CDATA[Izzurahman, Muhammad Hasan]]>;
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 19, No 1 (2022): Pemilu dan Praktik Politik Oligarkis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Pusat Riset Politik BRIN ]]>
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DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v19i1.1133
<![CDATA[Lengsernya Presiden Bashir memberikan arah baru bagi demokrasi Sudan. Kesepakatan transisi antara militer dan sipil menghasilkan sebuah perjanjian dan Piagam Konstitusi Sementara 2019, dengan ketentuan kedua pihak berbagi kekuasaan selama 39 bulan. Agenda berikutnya adalah pemilihan umum nasional di tahun 2022. Akan tetapi, pada Oktober 2021, ada kudeta militer yang dipimpin Jenderal Burhan terhadap Perdana Menteri Hamdok. Peristiwa ini membatalkan seluruh isi Konstitusi Sementara 2019 dan menghentikan proses transisi yang sedang berjalan. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis penyebab tertundanya pemilu yang dijadwalkan pada 2022 dengan menggunakan pisau analisis teori oligarki Jeffrey A. Winters. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa tertundanya pemilu diakibatkan oleh dominasi dan jaringan oligarki yang terdiri dari militer dan orang-orang di rezim sebelumnya. Oligarki hampir menguasai dan mengendalikan seluruh sektor penting ekonomi dan politik di Sudan.Kata Kunci: Pemilu tertunda, Oligarki, Militer, Sipil, Pemerintahan Transisi]]>
<![CDATA[Turkey and Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) Relations: A Soft Power Approach towards Kurdish Question ]]>
<![CDATA[Al-Asyura, M Khairil Zaki]]>;
<![CDATA[Basyar, M. Hamdan]]>
<![CDATA[ Andalas Journal of International Studies (AJIS) Vol 11, No 1 (2022): Published in May 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Andalas Institute of International Studies UNAND ]]>
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DOI: 10.25077/ajis.11.1.78-93.2022
<![CDATA[Turkey has long regarded Kurds as a homogenous entity that could threaten its territorial integrity and national security. There is animosity by the Turkish government towards the Kurds. This article attempts to analyze why there has been a paradigm shift and enhancement in Turkey-KRG relations, especially during AKP tenure, while analyzing the extent to which the effectiveness of the Turkey-KRG relationship can help Turkey resolve its Kurdish issue in peaceful ways. This research uses offensive realism as an analytical tool while deploying qualitative methods through explanatory and descriptive approaches in answering the problems raised. The study shows that the paradigm shift and the enhancement in Turkey-KRG relations can occur because Turkey seeks to pursue its goal, being a regional hegemon. In this way, Turkey can guarantee its survival, increase welfare, and preserve its political doctrine. However, the enhancement of Turkey-KRG relations shows less significant effectiveness in overcoming the Kurdish issue. As the Kurdish question is a domestic issue, it is Turkey itself that must find a solution to]]>
