Zainuddin Djafar
Universitas Indonesia

Published : 7 Documents Claim Missing Document
Claim Missing Document
Check
Articles

Found 7 Documents
Search

TANTANGAN PRESIDEN INDONESIA MENDATANG, DAN RELEVANSI ‘MULTIPLICATION AUTHORITIES’ SINGAPURA Djafar, Zainuddin
Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 10, No 2 (2013): Presiden yang Presidensiil
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Politik

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (289.275 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v10i2.433

Abstract

Penulisan ini bertujuan untuk melakukan observasi pada hal-hal terkait dengan tantangan yang significanbagi calon presiden Indonesia mendatang (pasca 2014). Dalam hal itu observasi sudah dilakukan, dan pandanganpada hal-hal yang terkait dengan kekuatan maupun kelebihan kepemimpinan seseorang tampak tidak cukup.Kepemimpinan bagi presiden Indonesia mendatang juga harus memperhitungkan perannya untuk dapat mengatasimasalah besar bangsa khususnya dalam hal makin kronisnya problema korupsi. Singapura dengan manajemensuksesnya telah berhasil mengatasi soal korupsi yang juga demikian kronik di negaranya. Perdana MenteriSingapura telah memberi berbagai pelajaran yang berharga, termasuk berbagai strategi yang perlu dipertimbangkanyaitu dengan memperhatikan relevansi prinsip “Multiplication of Authorities’, yang telah terbukti validitasnya,dan tentunya hal tersebut perlu mendapat perhatian bagi kepemimpinan Presiden Indonesia mendatang.Kata kunci: Presiden Indonesia mendatang, dan Multiplikasi Otoritas Singapura
KEMERDEKAAN PAPUA DAN RELEVANSI REAKSI TIGA NEGARA Djafar, Zainuddin
Jurnal Penelitian Politik Vol 9, No 1 (2012): Pembangunan Papua dalam Pusaran Politik
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian Politik

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1371.211 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jpp.v9i1.453

Abstract

Keinginan untuk memisahkan diri dari Indonesia oleh kelompok separatis di Papua telah mencapai titik kritis Hal itu bertambah pelik bila memperhatikan reaksi dari beberapa negara seperti Australia Selandia Baru danAmerika Serikat Berdasarkan hal itu artikel ini bertujuan mendiskusikan secara khusus persoalan persoalan sebagaiberikut 1 dinamika persoalan Papua 2 kondisi terakhir masyarakat Papua dan 3 hubungannya dengan aktorinternasional seperti Australia Selandia Baru dan Amerika Serikat selain juga 4 beberapa peluang dan langkahdiplomasi yang dapat dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Indonesia Selain itu beberapa temuan penting untuk dikemukakan seperti fakta bahwa Papua berupaya mencapai kemerdekaannya berdasarkan atas hak dan latar belakangbudaya dan sejarah serta kenyataan yang berkembang hingga kini Fakta fakta tersebut akan menjadi sangat rumittatkala sejumlah negara seperti Australia Selandia Baru dan Amerika Serikat juga memiliki kepentingan untukterlibat dalam persoalan dan isu Papua Artikel ini merekomendasikan Pemerintah Indonesia untuk melakukan pilihan sejumlah kebijakan yang menitikberatkan pada kepentingan masyarakat Papua terutama hak untuk terbebasdari kemiskinan bukan hak untuk menjadi negara merdeka Untuk mengakhiri tekanan internasional atas kasusPapua Pemerintah Indonesia harus tegas menyatakan persoalan Papua adalah persoalan domestik yang intervensiterhadapnya merupakan pelanggaran atas hukum dan kedaulatan IndonesiaKata kunci Kemerdekaan Papua reaksi tiga negara
MASYARAKAT PERBATASAN RI-MALAYSIA DAN KASUS ASKAR WATANIAH: RELEVANSI PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN KESEJAHTERAAN Djafar, Zainuddin
Jurnal Masyarakat dan Budaya Vol 10, No 1 (2008)
Publisher : P2KK LIPI

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (71.605 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jmb.v10i1.173

Abstract

This writing seeks to determine the extent of the welfare factor as a basis of the decision taken by Indonesians living in Malaysian border to join the Malaysian Askar Wataniah paramilitary unit. The case itself signifies how government welfare plannings have yet to be realized in its fullest capacity to prevent citizens from considering the alternative to join a foreign security. This is among others, due to cronic economic and development retardness faced by the region. In light of such circumstances, better concepts and policies concerning welfare in this region must be developed, especially through policy analyses and recommendations, which would contribute towards preventing the recurrence of similar cases. The case has become more serious having in mind the different development of Indonesia with its neighbors, in terms of poverty, deprafity, educational backwardness, retardness, and marginality (Five K) remains to be a dominant feature in many Indonesian border societies. Therefore, developments of new economic growth hubs has become an ever essential priority in the crusade to combat the Five K, especially through the development of better trade infrastructures in the border areas, in order to improve border tradings and its positive effects to the society. Government intervention in such project will also need to reach the Political, Socio-Cultural, and Defence-Security dimensions of the issue in order to anticipate problems such as the low human resources quality in the region, etc. Thereby, the following policy stages may need to be considered; (A) to increase within the interaction between the government and the border societies, (B) to empower border societal participation, (C), to raise a consciousness towards the development of human and natural resources for the benefit of all elements of the border societies.
ASEAN Competitiveness, Is Indonesia Ready Yet? Djafar, Zainuddin
Indonesian Journal of International Law
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1902.207 KB)

Abstract

What does it mean by ASEAN competitiveness? And, is Indonesia ready for it? These are the questions that have become the main issues to be discussed in this article. Therefore, it is important to note some main key messages introduced by ACI in relation to ASEAN position within its competitiveness and its future prospect, and the dynamic of world economic, such as; ASEAN is facing profound changes in the global economic climate with the rise of China and India and weakened economic prospects in major advanced countries. Besides, this Southeast Asia Regional Organization is also entering a new phase in its cooperation as members move towards building an ASEAN Community by 2015. Thus it is important and urgent for Indonesia to have its priority, and to be ready for its micro and macro competitiveness, that are more advance than the ASEAN 3 (Singapore, Thailand, and Malaysia).
Piagam ASEAN, Legalitas Tonggak Baru, Menuju Integrasi Regional Djafar, Zainuddin
Indonesian Journal of International Law
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1761.819 KB)

Abstract

The ASEAN Charter which was ratified on December 15, 2008 has drawn various reactions from The regional community. This writing seeks to evaluate upon what are the Charter’s strength and weakness. The Charter is indeed not a tool which can directly solve the regional problems, yet at least now Southeast Asiab owns its set of mechanism which shall bind its members legally and can be used to create regionally formal rules. The Issues and challenges which the Carter seeks to solve includes: democratization, human rights and the ASEAN single market of 2015. The diversifying socio cultural aspects as well as other issues remain as challenges in creating a common perception and recommendation for the three issues. Therefore, despite of its ratification, the ASEAN Charter must undertake a difficult test.
Hubungan Indonesia-Malaysia: Memerlukan Perspektif dan Kebijakan Baru? Djafar, Zainuddin
Indonesian Journal of International Law
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (7534.151 KB)

Abstract

The relationship between Indonesia-Malaysia in 2005 and 2006 id quite problematic concerning three main issues: illegal migrant, illegal logging, and Ambalat’s dispute. Historically, there were disputes which broke up the relationship between the two countries in 1963 until 1966. Forty years later (1996-2006), three main issues occured, which have no correlation with formerly disputes. Those issues have become significant after Indonesia entered multidimensional crisis in 1997-1999 and the effects remain. At the other side, Malaysia has reached rapid growth in economic, business, manufacture, and financial in the last past seven years. These two realities of circumstances have become Indonesia and Malaysia position background, considering their own self as the right one of the three sensitive issues. The reconstruct of a good, close, and maximal neighbourhood between the two countries is really expected. This article observes the needed of consideration from Indonesia on policy aspect and new perspective in facing pressure from Malaysia. It is obvious that those matters are the consequences for the establishment of an advantage relationship between the two countries.
Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Pantulan dari 'Weak State' dan Masa Transisi yang Berkepanjangan Djafar, Zainuddin
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 7, No. 1
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Evaluation of Indonesian foreign policy leads us to assess the following: Firstly, since the Soeharto era we have had close relations with the Western countries, we have enjoyed billions of US dollars of loans, held technical co-operations in various aspects, we have oil reserves, LNG and other potential natural sources; but as a result of the multidimensional crises in 1997-1999, our economic and business activities, as well as financial and banking systems, have been ruined. Secondly, the three following administrations (B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid and Megawati Soekarnoputri, 1998-2004) were not able to do much, let alone restore Indonesia to its former position as a respected country among ASEAN community. Thus, Indonesia has continued to deal mainly with its problems of internal crises and undeniably, has become increasingly dependent of the mercy of Western countries (including the donor agencies and international financial institutions) regarding financial loans and other economic aids. This article is aimed to explain: (a) the meaning of the term “weak state” (b) what can Indonesia do with its foreign policy, which inevitably has to compromise with the “Weak State” condition? (c) what are the policies that should be implemented so that we can come out of the delicate situation?