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Living in a Legal Limbo: Mechanisms to “Fix” The Legal and Social Positions of Unregistered Children in Indonesia Horii, Hoko; Wirastri, Theresia Dyah
The Indonesian Journal of Socio-Legal Studies
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This paper examines the reasons and consequences of a lacking birth-registration in Indonesia, as well as the mechanisms to ‘fix’ it. In order to avoid the legal and social consequences of the lack of registration, creative and ad-hoc solutions are crafted – not only by the individual families who face the problem, but also by their community, including local and state actors who are involved in the mechanisms and paperwork. These mechanisms exist also because of state’s reluctance to enforce regulation related to unregistered marriage and children born into unregistered marriage as these matters are religiously and culturally delicate. We argue that the state facilitates all types of unregistered marriages, which results in blurring legal parameters of marriage. This leads unregistered children to be living in a legal limbo: their legal status and attached rights remain unclear, not being fully ensured of their rights to public services, inheritance, and child maintenance.
WHO ARE THE BREADWINNERS? Theresia Dyah Wirastri; Stijn Cornelis van Huis
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 17 No 2 (2022)
Publisher : Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2022.17.2.225-251

Abstract

Polygamy is a highly controversial topic and the object of serious political contestation in Indonesia. Although all major Muslim organizations consider polygamy is allowed under Islamic Law, the practice is not without stigma. In 1974 when Indonesia adopted its current Marriage Law, the Indonesian parliament decided to tie polygamy to strict conditions. This law however failed to prevent the practice of unregistered polygamous marriages. Women in unregistered polygamous marriages formally hold no rights as lawful wife in case of a divorce or death of the husband. The question is what arrangements the second, third or fourth wife in unregistered polygamous marriages have made with their husband in view of the lack of legal recognition of their rights as wife. What are the consequences of non-recognition of their marriage for these women? Does legal insecurity in practice also mean economic and social insecurity? Does the husband fulfill his obligations and responsibilities towards his wives and their families? This article aims at answering those questions by looking in-depth at a selection of three case studies, which were collected during a total of nine months of research in Jakarta in 2015 and 2016. This article is part of the socio-legal domain, combining legal analysis with anthropological approaches. The starting point of the research is a legal one: the disadvantaged legal position of women whose polygamous marriage has not been registered, but a large part of the research is based on anthropological methods. Through the experiences of these women, the paper reveals a range of personal reasons and underlying causes for unregistered Islamic polygamous marriages as well as their consequences–including legal ones. The paper depicts a great diversity in the ways husbands and wives view and organize their responsibilities within their polygamous households.
WHO ARE THE BREADWINNERS? Status, Rights and Responsibilities in Unregistered Polygamous Marriage in Indonesia Wirastri, Theresia Dyah; van Huis, Stijn Cornelis
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 17 No 2 (2022)
Publisher : UIN Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2022.17.2.225-251

Abstract

Polygamy is a highly controversial topic and the object of serious political contestation in Indonesia. Although all major Muslim organizations consider polygamy is allowed under Islamic Law, the practice is not without stigma. In 1974 when Indonesia adopted its current Marriage Law, the Indonesian parliament decided to tie polygamy to strict conditions. This law however failed to prevent the practice of unregistered polygamous marriages. Women in unregistered polygamous marriages formally hold no rights as lawful wife in case of a divorce or death of the husband. The question is what arrangements the second, third or fourth wife in unregistered polygamous marriages have made with their husband in view of the lack of legal recognition of their rights as wife. What are the consequences of non-recognition of their marriage for these women? Does legal insecurity in practice also mean economic and social insecurity? Does the husband fulfill his obligations and responsibilities towards his wives and their families? This article aims at answering those questions by looking in-depth at a selection of three case studies, which were collected during a total of nine months of research in Jakarta in 2015 and 2016. This article is part of the socio-legal domain, combining legal analysis with anthropological approaches. The starting point of the research is a legal one: the disadvantaged legal position of women whose polygamous marriage has not been registered, but a large part of the research is based on anthropological methods. Through the experiences of these women, the paper reveals a range of personal reasons and underlying causes for unregistered Islamic polygamous marriages as well as their consequences–including legal ones. The paper depicts a great diversity in the ways husbands and wives view and organize their responsibilities within their polygamous households.
The State of Indonesia’s Marriage Law: 50 Years of Statutory and Judicial Reforms Wirastri, Theresia Dyah; van Huis, Stijn Cornelis
AHKAM : Jurnal Ilmu Syariah Vol 24, No 2 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v24i2.38424

Abstract

Because of its entanglement with religious norms, Muslim family law reform is a sensitive issue. In Indonesia, the validity, rights, and responsibilities pertaining to Muslim marriage and divorce are regulated by the 1974 Marriage Law and the 1991 Compilation of Islamic Law. The 1974 Marriage Law is both general and pluralistic in character, since it introduced general reforms applying to all religions, while leaving other matters to the legal regimes attached to a person’s religion. Muslim family law norms, including several new reforms, were subsequently laid down in the 1991 Compilation of Islamic Law. After 1991, statutory reform of Muslim family law stalled, as differences in opinion between liberal and conservative Muslims proved unbridgeable. This paper argues that, despite these divisions, reform continued – not by actions of the legislative, but by actions of the courts. These actions take two forms: first, the form of court decisions, specifically “activist” judgments by the Supreme Court and judicial review decisions by the Constitutional Court; and second, the form of Supreme Court guidelines that following the introduction of the chamber system in 2011 are issued annually by means of Supreme Court Circulars. By reinterpreting family law norms in light of women’s and children’s rights, we will show how courts initiated significant non-statutory reforms of Muslim family law. Thus, exactly 50 years following the birth of the 1974 Marriage Law, we shed new light on the role of judicial institutions in reforming and reinterpreting Muslim family law in Indonesia. Abstrak:Reformasi hukum keluarga Islam selalu menjadi isu sensitif karena berkelindan dengan norma-norma agama. Di Indonesia, keabsahan, hak, dan tanggung jawab perkawinan dan perceraian diatur dalam Undang-Undang Perkawinan Tahun 1974 (UU Perkawinan 1974) dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI) Tahun 1991. UU Perkawinan 1974 merupakan produk hukum yang umum dan plural. Artinya, UU Perkawinan 1974 memperkenalkan reformasi yang berlaku untuk semua agama, namun rezim hukum yang berlaku bergantung pada agama yang dianut. Norma hukum keluarga Islam, termasuk beberapa reformasi baru, kemudian ditetapkan dalam KHI. Setelah tahun 1991, reformasi hukum keluarga berjalan dengan lambat karena perbedaan pendapat antara kelompok Muslim liberal dan konservatif tidak dapat dijembatani dengan baik. Melalui artikel ini kami berargumentasi bahwa terlepas dari perbedaan pendapat tersebut, reformasi hukum keluarga tetap berjalan – tidak melalui perubahan undang-undang melainkan melalui lembaga peradilan. Reformasi ini terjadi dalam dua bentuk: Pertama, dalam bentuk putusan pengadilan, terutama melalui putusan yang bernuansa “aktivisme” oleh Mahkamah Agung dan hasil uji materiil oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Kedua, melalui pedoman yang dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Agung setiap tahunnya, dalam bentuk Surat Edaran Mahkamah Agung sebagai implikasi dari pemberlakuan sistem kamar pada tahun 2011. Lembaga peradilan, melalui reinterpretasi terhadap norma hukum keluarga yang mengedepankan hak perempuan dan anak, telah menghasilkan reformasi hukum keluarga yang signifikan melalui mekanisme di luar perubahan UU Perkawinan. Dengan demikian, tepat 50 tahun sejak lahirnya UU Perkawinan 1974, artikel ini menyoroti peran lembaga yudikatif dalam mereformasi dan menafsirkan ulang hukum keluarga Islam di Indonesia.
The State of Indonesia’s Marriage Law: 50 Years of Statutory and Judicial Reforms Wirastri, Theresia Dyah; van Huis, Stijn Cornelis
AHKAM : Jurnal Ilmu Syariah Vol. 24 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Jakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/ajis.v24i2.38424

Abstract

Because of its entanglement with religious norms, Muslim family law reform is a sensitive issue. In Indonesia, the validity, rights, and responsibilities pertaining to Muslim marriage and divorce are regulated by the 1974 Marriage Law and the 1991 Compilation of Islamic Law. The 1974 Marriage Law is both general and pluralistic in character, since it introduced general reforms applying to all religions, while leaving other matters to the legal regimes attached to a person’s religion. Muslim family law norms, including several new reforms, were subsequently laid down in the 1991 Compilation of Islamic Law. After 1991, statutory reform of Muslim family law stalled, as differences in opinion between liberal and conservative Muslims proved unbridgeable. This paper argues that, despite these divisions, reform continued – not by actions of the legislative, but by actions of the courts. These actions take two forms: first, the form of court decisions, specifically “activist” judgments by the Supreme Court and judicial review decisions by the Constitutional Court; and second, the form of Supreme Court guidelines that following the introduction of the chamber system in 2011 are issued annually by means of Supreme Court Circulars. By reinterpreting family law norms in light of women’s and children’s rights, we will show how courts initiated significant non-statutory reforms of Muslim family law. Thus, exactly 50 years following the birth of the 1974 Marriage Law, we shed new light on the role of judicial institutions in reforming and reinterpreting Muslim family law in Indonesia. Abstrak:Reformasi hukum keluarga Islam selalu menjadi isu sensitif karena berkelindan dengan norma-norma agama. Di Indonesia, keabsahan, hak, dan tanggung jawab perkawinan dan perceraian diatur dalam Undang-Undang Perkawinan Tahun 1974 (UU Perkawinan 1974) dan Kompilasi Hukum Islam (KHI) Tahun 1991. UU Perkawinan 1974 merupakan produk hukum yang umum dan plural. Artinya, UU Perkawinan 1974 memperkenalkan reformasi yang berlaku untuk semua agama, namun rezim hukum yang berlaku bergantung pada agama yang dianut. Norma hukum keluarga Islam, termasuk beberapa reformasi baru, kemudian ditetapkan dalam KHI. Setelah tahun 1991, reformasi hukum keluarga berjalan dengan lambat karena perbedaan pendapat antara kelompok Muslim liberal dan konservatif tidak dapat dijembatani dengan baik. Melalui artikel ini kami berargumentasi bahwa terlepas dari perbedaan pendapat tersebut, reformasi hukum keluarga tetap berjalan – tidak melalui perubahan undang-undang melainkan melalui lembaga peradilan. Reformasi ini terjadi dalam dua bentuk: Pertama, dalam bentuk putusan pengadilan, terutama melalui putusan yang bernuansa “aktivisme” oleh Mahkamah Agung dan hasil uji materiil oleh Mahkamah Konstitusi. Kedua, melalui pedoman yang dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Agung setiap tahunnya, dalam bentuk Surat Edaran Mahkamah Agung sebagai implikasi dari pemberlakuan sistem kamar pada tahun 2011. Lembaga peradilan, melalui reinterpretasi terhadap norma hukum keluarga yang mengedepankan hak perempuan dan anak, telah menghasilkan reformasi hukum keluarga yang signifikan melalui mekanisme di luar perubahan UU Perkawinan. Dengan demikian, tepat 50 tahun sejak lahirnya UU Perkawinan 1974, artikel ini menyoroti peran lembaga yudikatif dalam mereformasi dan menafsirkan ulang hukum keluarga Islam di Indonesia.