Joko Juli Prihatmoko
Universitas Wahid Hasyim, Semarang, Indonesia

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VOLATILITAS PEMILIH DAN INTERSEP POLITIK DALAM PEMILU DPRD KABUPATEN DEMAK 2004-2019 Joko Juli Prihatmoko; Agus Riyanto
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9 No 3 (2023): Agustus 2023
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v9i3.3180

Abstract

This study aims to determine the volatility of political parties, find the dynamics behind volatility, including intercept patterns or shifting political choices based on the social division of party voters in the 2004-2019 Demak DPRD elections. The type of research used is qualitative research combined with qualitative in numeric with a descriptive approach. The study found that the volatility index of the Demak DPRD elections was high and fluctuating, with an average of 34.26 in the last four elections. In the 2004 election, the volatility index was 53.36, declined to 22.93 in the 2014 election, and rose again to 26.51 in the 2019 election. The comparison of the level of electoral volatility shows differences in the stability of the pattern of competition between parties in the region, which further has consequences for local democratic politics. While high volatility shows the weakness of party and constituent relations, party institutionalization, and Party ID, which brings less stable election results while showing a more open and unpredictable electoral market. High vote volatility is reciprocally related to political intercepts, where one party bypasses or cuts off (growth) another party. Initially, political interception occurs across and between national or religious group parties, with national group parties getting the blessing of vote spillover from religious parties. Later, as the institutionalization of the religious group parties (PKB, PPP, and PAN) stabilized, political interception occurred between national group parties. It is easier for voters of national parties (PDIP, Gerindra, Golkar, Demokrat, Nasdem, etc.) to switch their choices. This confirms the openness of the electoral market for national group parties, which allows the emergence of new parties with large votes. Extrapolating, the shift in political choices will continue to occur in line with the increase in voter rationality. The biggest challenge is that the influence and size of the rational voter group is far below the fanatical rational voters and especially primordial voters.  In addition, structural conditions are a barrier to increasing voter rationality as political forces that maintain primordialism to gain and maintain power strengthen
PRAKTEK DINASTI POLITIK PADA PILKADA SERENTAK JAWA TENGAH TAHUN 2020 Agus Riyanto; Yulita Nilam Fridiyanti; Joko Juli Prihatmoko
Moderat : Jurnal Ilmiah Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10 No 1 (2024): February 2024
Publisher : Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan FISIP Universitas Galuh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.25157/moderat.v10i1.3757

Abstract

This article aims to explain the practice of political dynasties in the 2020 Central Java simultaneous regional elections. By understanding the phenomenon holistically using qualitative description methods, the results of the research show that there are 10 (ten) candidates who are indicated to be related to political dynasties in the 2020 Central Java simultaneous regional elections. The existence of political dynasties This cannot be separated from three factors: first, regional election regulations, especially after the decision of the Constitutional Court (MK) Number 33/PUU-XIII/2015; second, the failure of political parties to produce cadres; third, society's permissive attitude towards the practice of dynastic politics. Political dynasties in the implementation of simultaneous regional elections in Indonesia will continue in the future until the emergence of "political will" from the government and the DPR to create new regulations to limit the practice of political dynasties. On the other hand, there is also a need for agreement among Constitutional Court judges regarding regulations limiting and regulating the practice of political dynasties which aims to protect local democracy and not to prohibit someone's political rights to contest regional elections.