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FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN THE DIGITAL AGE: CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITS ON HUMAN RIGHTS RESTRICTIONS UNDER THE 1945 CONSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF INDONESIA AND JUDICIAL DYNAMICS IN INDONESIA Sulistyowati Sulistyowati; Dewi Nadya Maharani; Gusti Bintang Maharaja; Rachel Dwita Maharani
International Journal of Multidisciplinary Research and Literature Vol. 4 No. 6 (2025): INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF MULTIDISCIPLINARY RESEARCH AND LITERATURE
Publisher : Yayasan Education and Social Center

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.53067/ijomral.v4i6.454

Abstract

The digital age has fundamentally transformed the way people express their opinions and views. Advances in information and communication technology—particularly the massive penetration of social media in Indonesia—have opened up a space for public participation that is broader, faster, and free from geographical boundaries. Citizens can now easily criticize government policies, report alleged abuses of power, and voice their political aspirations directly through various digital platforms. On the other hand, freedom of expression in the digital sphere often clashes with the interests of public order, national security, social stability, and the protection of the reputation of individuals and institutions. This article aims to conduct an in-depth analysis of the constitutional limits on restrictions of human rights regarding freedom of expression under the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, as well as the judicial dynamics occurring in Indonesia. Using a normative-dogmatic approach supported by an analysis of court rulings, this article finds that while Article 28E(3) and Article 28F of the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia provide strong guarantees for freedom of expression, Article 28J(2) provides a valid constitutional basis for restricting that right. Restrictions are only permissible if established by law, aimed at respecting the human rights of others, and meeting fair demands based on moral considerations, religious values, security, and public order in a democratic society. Constitutional Court Decisions No. 105/PUU-XXII/2024 and No. 78/PUU-XXI/2023 have significantly reformed cyber law in Indonesia, including the abolition of the offense of spreading false news that causes public unrest and the restriction of the legal subjects of defamation offenses to only natural persons. This article recommends strengthening restorative justice mechanisms, establishing objective parameters for non-pecuniary damages in civil law, and issuing technical guidelines for law enforcement officials
Refleksi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi pada Pemilihan Presiden Tahun 2024 Terhadap Politik dan Demokrasi Indonesia S Sulistyowati; Dewi Nadya Maharani; Gusti Bintang Maharaja; Hanifa Putri Manoppo
Qanuniya : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum Vol. 1 No. 1 (2024): Qanuniya : Jurnal Ilmu Hukum
Publisher : Program Magister Ilmu Hukum Pascasarjana

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15575/qanuniya.v1i1.826

Abstract

Pemilihan Umum Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Indonesia 2024 atau dikenal sebagai Pilpres 2024, adalah pemilihan umum kelima di Indonesia untuk memilih Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Republik Indonesia. Pemilihan umum ini bertujuan untuk menentukan pemegang jabatan presiden dan wakil presiden untuk periode 2024–2029. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menganalisis atas kontroversi yang muncul sejak awal pencalonan Gibran sebagai calon wakil presiden Prabowo, karena Gibran tidak memenuhi syarat usia minimal 40 tahun untuk pencalonan. Meskipun telah dilakukan judicial review dan muncul Putusan Mahkamah Kostitusi Nomor 90/PUU-XXI/2023, keputusan ini tetap memicu perdebatan karena dianggap melanggar aturan yang ada. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode pendekatan yuridis normatif, penelitian ini berupaya mengkaji kembali norma-norma hukum yang terperinci yang terkandung dalam peraturan perundang-undangan yang ada termasuk putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 90/PUU-XXI/2023 yang menuai pro dan kontra di masyarakat. Penelitian ini menyimpulkan bahwa putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 90/PUU-XXI/2023 diwarnai dissenting opinion dari tiga hakim konstitusi dan terus menjadi bahan perdebatan. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi membawa dampak pada bidang politik, yaitu munculnya pemerintahan baru. Pesta demokrasi telah selesai, namun masyarakat masih terbelah kpada yang pro dan kontra.
Voter Rights and Electoral Justice in Indonesia’s 2024 Concurrent Elections: System Design, Institutional Fragmentation, and Dispute Resolution Sulistyowati; Erman I. Rahim; Dewi Nadya Maharani; Mahda Rahman; Gusti Bintang Maharaja
International Journal of Constitutional and Administrative Law Vol. 2 No. 2 (2026)
Publisher : Gorontalo Legal Research and Consulting

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.66502/2e11b149

Abstract

The 2024 Indonesian general elections were the largest and most administratively complex democratic exercise in the country’s history, combining presidential, national legislative, and regional legislative contests on a single polling day and holding regional executive elections later in the same year. This article examines the causal relationship between the design of the concurrent election system and the protection of voters’ constitutional rights, and evaluates whether Indonesia’s dispute resolution architecture is capable of delivering electoral justice. Using normative-juridical research supported by secondary empirical data, and combining statutory, conceptual, case, and comparative approaches, the article advances two arguments. First, the “five-ballot” concurrent design satisfies the formal dimension of the right to vote while eroding its substantive dimension: it imposes an extreme administrative and physical burden on polling station officials and a cognitive burden on voters, so that high turnout coexists with attenuated deliberative capacity, particularly in legislative contests displaced by presidential coattails. Second, the fragmentation of electoral adjudication among the Constitutional Court, the Election Supervisory Agency, the Honorary Council of Election Organisers, and the State Administrative Court generates divergent standards of proof, inconsistent characterisation of identical conduct, and gaps in remedial authority that are most consequential precisely where structured, systematic, and massive violations are alleged. Analysis of the 2024 election result disputes indicates a discernible movement toward substantive justice, but one constrained by evidentiary thresholds and procedural limits rather than by judicial willingness. The article contributes an integrated account linking concurrency, voter protection, and forum fragmentation, and argues that reconstructing the electoral calendar and unifying electoral jurisdiction are complementary rather than alternative reforms.