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Redefinisi Makna Partisipasi Publik Dalam Pembentukan Undang-Undang Pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 Lalu Hartawan Mandala Putra; Durohim Amnan
ALADALAH: Jurnal Politik, Sosial, Hukum dan Humaniora Vol. 2 No. 2 (2024): Jurnal Politik, Sosial, Hukum dan Humaniora
Publisher : Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Syariah Nurul Qarnain Jember

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59246/aladalah.v2i2.797

Abstract

When society thinks that there was a mistake by the state when passing a legal product, then this really happens because society is a condition sine qua non (absolute requirement) in making laws. Just as the recent law formation process does not reflect the meaning of meaningful participation. Laws were formed hastily without heeding the voices of the people. The type of research used is library research using a statutory approach to see whether the case is justified by positive law and justified by the norms that exist in society. Meanwhile, the analysis used is juridical-normative analysis. The aim of this research is to show that there are irregularities in law makers, especially in recent years, who have considered public participation as unimportant. The finding in this work is that the lack of public participation has been a problem for a long time. The meaning of participation so far has only been defined as the participation of "elites" or people who have power. In fact, public participation is a real form of citizen presence in carrying out supervisory functions. Meaningful participation as defined by the Constitutional Court through decision number 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 must be used as a guideline for law makers at every stage of law making. Keywords: Public Participation, Law Formation, Counstitutional Court Decesion   Abstrak: Ketika masyarakat menganggap terdapat kekeliruan negara ketika mengesahkan sebuah produk undang-undang maka hal tersebut memang sungguh terjadi karna masyarakat merupakan condition sine qua non (syarat mutlak) dalam pembuatan undang-undang. Seperti halnya proses pembentukan undang-undang yang belakangan terjadi sangat tidak mencerminkan makna partisipasi yang bermakna. Undang-undang dibentuk secara terburu-buru tanpa mengindahkan suara-suara rakyat. Jenis penelitian yang digunakan yaitu bahan kepustakaan (library research) dengan menggunakan metode pendekatan perundang-undangan (statute approach) guna melihat apakah kasus tersebut dibenarkan oleh hukum positif dan dibenarkan oleh norma-norma yang hidup dalam masyarakat. Sedangkan analisis yang digunakan yakni analisis yuridis-normatif. Tujuan penelitian ini dimaksudkan untuk menunjukan adanya kejanggalan pembentuk undang-undang, khususnya beberapa tahun kebelakang yang menganggap partisipasi publik seolah tidak penting. Temuan dalam karya ini ialah Minimnya partisipasi publik sudah menjadi problematika sejak lama. Pemaknaan partisipasi selama ini hanya diartikan sebagai partisipasi “elite” atau orang-orang yang memiliki kekuasaan. Padahal Partisipasi publik merupakan sebuah bentuk nyata kehadiran warga negara dalam menjalankan fungsi pengawasan. Partisipasi secara bermakna yang diartikan Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui putusan nomor 91/PUU-XVIII/2020 harus dijadikan pedoman pembentuk undang-undang dalam setiap tahap pembuatan undang-undang. Kata Kunci: Partisipasi Publik, Pembentukan Undang-Undang, Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi.
Distorsi Keterwakilan Perempuan Melalui Pasal 8 ayat (2) PKPU Nomor 10 Tahun 2023 Ogie Nuggraha; Durohim Amnan
Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik Vol. 1 No. 4 (2023): November : Jurnal Hukum dan Sosial Politik
Publisher : Lembaga Pengembangan Kinerja Dosen

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.59581/jhsp-widyakarya.v1i4.1446

Abstract

Issuance of General Election Commission Regulation Number 10 of 2023 concerning the Nomination of Members of the DPR, Provincial DPRD and Regency/City DPRD, special wabil Article 8 paragraph (2) raises a new polemic because it is felt to deny the value of the struggle for democracy and the rule of law principle which has been painstakingly built so far sucks. The regulation is considered to reduce and distort the instrument of struggle for women's groups known as the affirmative action quota for women's representation of 30% in Parliament. The purpose of this study is to describe the problems that occur and discuss them in depth through methodological analysis. The research method that the author uses in this work is normative-juridical research with a library research approach which is coupled with gender theory and democratic principles and which is linked to the theme of this research discussion and uses qualitative methods. Research results Based on the description above, the authors conclude that Article 8 paragraph (2) PKPU 10/2023 is contrary to the principles of non-discrimination and the substantive equality and justice approach because it is not in line with the spirit of The Convention on the elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW ) which is further regulated in Law no. 7/1984 concerning the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. Furthermore, the PKPU is not in line with the idea of ​​equality contained in the body of the 1945 Constitution of the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia such as Article 27 paragraph (1), Article 28D paragraph (3), Article 28H paragraph (2), and Article 28I paragraph (2). Article 8 paragraph (2) PKPU 10/2023 does not follow up on the essence of the legal norms of Article 245 Law Number 7 of 2017 concerning General Elections.  
Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 60/PUU-XXII/2024 terhadap Demokratisasi Pemilihan Kepala Daerah Muhammad Anwar Soleh; Durohim Amnan
Presidensial: Jurnal Hukum, Administrasi Negara, dan Kebijakan Publik Vol. 1 No. 3 (2024): September: Presidensial : Jurnal Hukum, Administrasi Negara, dan Kebijakan Publ
Publisher : Asosiasi Peneliti dan Pengajar Ilmu Hukum Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62383/presidensial.v1i3.85

Abstract

This study will discuss how the implications of the MK 60/PUU-XXII/2024 decision on the 2024 simultaneous regional election contestation and how the idealita (ideal concept) threshold for the nomination of regional heads in the election system in Indonesia. This study also aims to address the issue of the threshold of the nomination, both the nomination of the president and the nomination of regional heads which from time to time always cause problems and difficult to find a middle point. Type of research used normative-juridical approach to legislation and cases as well as research used library (library research) with secondary data. The results of the discussion are the result of this decision, namely the potential of each political party to propose a candidate for Regional Head is increasingly wide open and the competition is believed to be increasingly competitive which can produce a skilled and qualified leader because it has gone through a rigorous competition process from each candidate proposed by a political party. This implication is a space that has been awaited by political parties and the community because the more candidates for regional heads, the more choices that can be investigated by the community.