Garuda - Garba Rujukan Digital

TEN YEARS OF PRESIDENT JOKO WIDODO'S LEADERSHIP FORGING A DOMINANT NATIONAL LEGACY: SEPULUH TAHUN KEPEMIMPINAN PRESIDEN JOKO WIDODO MENANCAPKAN LEGACY NASIONAL YANG DOMINAN Rizza, Shofa Zulfikar; Kurniawan, Anfal
Constitutional Law Society Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): September
Publisher : Center for Constitutional and Legislative Studies University of Bandar Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36448/cls.v3i2.87

This article examines Joko Widodo's ten years in office in Indonesia with a focus on key policies and their impact on society. It begins with the need to understand the social and economic transformation that has taken place under Jokowi's administration, as well as the challenges faced by the country. Initially, Jokowi was known as a populist leader as he showed his simplicity in living his life. However, politics can take a different course. The presidential term in Indonesia lasts for five years in one term and can be re-elected for one more term. Based on Article 7 of the 1945 Constitution. This means that the leadership era of President Joko Widodo or familiarly known as Jokowi is coming to an end, because he has been in power for two periods or the equivalent of ten years. The issues raised include how the implemented policies contribute to economic growth, infrastructure, and social welfare, as well as the community's response to these policies. The purpose of this study is to analyze the impact of government policies and evaluate Jokowi's leadership performance in the political and social context. The results show that despite significant progress in infrastructure development and poverty reduction, there are still major challenges in terms of uneven development and human rights issues that need to be addressed to build a more inclusive future for Indonesia.

A CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES PARADIGM OF THE PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD ELECTORAL SYSTEM IN INDONESIA: PARADIGMA CRITICAL LEGAL STUDIES TENTANG SISTEM PEMILU PRESIDENTIAL THRESHOLD DI INDONESIA Kurniawan, Anfal
Constitutional Law Society Vol. 3 No. 2 (2024): September
Publisher : Center for Constitutional and Legislative Studies University of Bandar Lampung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36448/cls.v3i2.88

In the perspective of the Critical Legal Studies Paradigm, researchers do not have the intention to deliberately dismantle normative legal rules that are legally and constitutionally, but in this discourse the critical legal studies paradigm provides a lens that critical voices are voices that come from the people with a higher realm of awareness in view with the assumption of potential that will occur critically, involving the direction of thinking that tends to be deconstructive and very worthy of questioning. in this case the paradox that occurs between ontology and methodology or in simple language reality with normative methodological values itself, by separating political, sociological, historical, and ethical motives. In this case, the paradox that occurs between ontology and methodology or in simple language reality with normative methodological value itself, by separating political, sociological, historical, and ethical motives. in this study, researchers used a qualitative method based on the study of the normative rules of the 1945 Constitution. normatively in article 222 of Law Number 17 of 2017 concerning the election of the President and Vice President reads: The candidate pair is proposed by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the election that meets the requirements of obtaining at least 20% (twenty per cent) of the total seats in the DPR or obtaining 25% (twenty five per cent) of the national valid votes in the election of DPR members, before the implementation of the Presidential and Vice Presidential elections or the Presidential Threshold system if viewed deconstructively from the process of forming the rules of the Law or the legislature itself does not have a basic limiting framework of legal construction, With the pretext of strengthening the presidential system, the effectiveness of holding elections in an accountable manner, but ontologically or in reality this raises that the law is a political product is a reality and shows that political power is more dominant than the law itself, of course this is very paradoxical with the concept of a country that is considered democratic where political power should be subject to the law. In this foundation, something produced by the legal products of the legislature is worthy of criticism.

ANALISIS YURIDIS PUTUSAN MAHKAMAH KONSTITUSI NOMOR 70/PUU-XXII/2024 TENTANG SYARAT USIA CALON KEPALA DAERAH Kurniawan, Anfal
Semarang Law Review (SLR) Vol. 5 No. 2 (2024): Oktober
Publisher : Fakultas Hukum, Universitas Semarang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.26623/slr.v5i2.10465

In this article the researcher aims to analyse and find out the Constitutional Court's decision number 70/PUU-XXII/2024 in testing Law Number 10 of 2016 concerning the second amendment to Law Number 1 of 2015 concerning the Stipulation of Government Regulations in Lieu of Law Number 1 of 2014 concerning the election of Governors, Regents and Mayors into Law, as for what is referred to as the applicant is as we know referring to Article 51 of the Constitutional Court Law in PUU is a party whose constitutional rights and authorities feel aggrieved before the enactment of the Act, there are conditions for the fulfilment of a form of judicial review of the law with all its authority The Constitutional Court has legitimacy as the holder of judicial power at the first and last level with a constitutional nature. In writing this article, researchers used a normative juridical approach with qualitative data in the form of inferential descriptive analysis sourced from documents, books, and laws. In decision Number 70/PUU-XXII/2024 The decision of the Constitutional Court includes rejecting the petitioner's request for provision as explained in the main petition in the form of rejecting the petition as a whole. The decision of the Constitutional Court is final and constitutional. Therefore, in this analysis at least the researcher analyses the decision of the Constitutional Court. As we know the nature of the constitution is die geschriben verfassung in writing and in essence is rechtsverfassung as grundgesetz.AbstrakDi dalam artikel ini peneliti bertujuan untuk menganalisis dan mengetahui putusan MK nomor 70/PUU-XXII/2024 dalam pengujian Undang-Undang Nomor 10 Tahun 2016 Tentang perubahan kedua atas Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2015 Tentang Penetapan Peraturan Pemerintah Pengganti Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 2014 Tentang pemilihan Gubernur, Bupati, dan Walikota menjadi Undang-Undang, adapun yang disebut sebagai pemohon ialah sebagaimana yang kita ketahui merujuk pada Pasal 51 Undang-Undang MK didalam PUU merupakan pihak dimana hak dan kewenangan konstitusionalnya merasa dirugikan dihadapan berlakunya Undang-Undang, terdapat syarat-syarat untuk terpenuhinya suatu bentuk pengujian undang-undang dengan segala kewenangannya Mahkamah Konstitusi memiliki legitimasi sebagai pemegang kekuasaan kehakiman pada tingkat pertama dan terakhir dengan sifat konstitusional. Didalam penulisan artikel ini Peneliti menggunakan pendekatan Yuridis Normatif dengan data kualitatif berupa analisis diskriptif inferensial yang bersumber dari dokumen-dokumen, buku, dan Undang-Undang. Dalam putusan Nomor 70/PUU-XXII/2024 amar putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi mengadili diantaranya menolak permohonan provisi para pemohon dijelaskan sebagaimana dalam pokok permohonan berupa menolak permohonan pemohon secara keseluruhan. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi bersifat final dan konstitusional. Oleh karenanya didalam analisis ini sekurang-kurangnya peneliti menganalisis putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi terebut. Sebagaimana yang kita ketahui sifat konstitusi ialah die geschriben verfassung secara tertulis dan pada hakikatnya ialah rechtsverfassung sebagai grundgesetz.

Passive Constitutional Rights of Former Convictors in Regional Head Elections (Perspective of Constitutional Court Decision No. 42/PUU- XIII/2015) Kurniawan, Anfal; Yudhanti, Ristina
Jurnal Daulat Hukum Vol 8, No 2 (2025): June 2025
Publisher : Magister of Law, Faculty of Law, Universitas Islam Sultan Agung

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.30659/jdh.v8i2.44927

This study discusses the political rights of former convicts to run as regional head candidates. This article is the result of an analysis of the Constitutional Court's decision No. 42/PUU-XIII/2015 which grants political rights to former convicts to run as regional head candidates. The basis for consideration (ratio decidendi) of the Constitutional Court's decision is; the right to vote and be elected can only be revoked based on a court decision, not based on statutory provisions; a person who has served a sentence and is released from prison is essentially a person who has repented and regrets his actions, so it is not appropriate to be given another punishment through statutory provisions that prohibit running in regional head elections. On that basis, the Constitutional Court grants the right to former convicts to run as regional heads. The Constitutional Court's decision has legal consequences for former convicts who were previously not allowed to run as regional head candidates. After the Constitutional Court's decision, convicts have the same rights to run in regional elections.

Title

Found 4 Documents
Search

Abstract

Abstract

Abstract

Abstract

Title Search

Found 4 Documents Search

Abstract

Abstract

Abstract

Abstract

Title

Found 4 Documents
Search