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Kontestasi Pemaknaan Kepemimpinan Publik di PILGUB DKI: Perspektif Relasi Kuasa Zauhair Al Fawwaz, Fajriz; Musthafa, Adib Khairil
Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman Vol. 12 No. 2 (2024): Desember
Publisher : INSTITUT AGAMA ISLAM BANI FATTAH (IAIBAFA)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52431/tafaqquh.v12i2.3078

Abstract

This article explains about the hegemony of MUI related to the blasphemy case in the 2017 DKI Pilgub which is based on surah al-Maidah verse 51, there are various opinions that give birth to community polarization. Therefore, this article will answer the question of how the relevant meaning today of the word "Auliya" in surah al-Maidah verse 51. This article uses Michel Foucault's theory of power relations related to the knowledge produced by MUI. The result of this discussion is that there are opinions of interpreters who do not allow non-Muslim leaders as Muslim leaders, such as Ibn Kathir and Sayyid Qutb. Some others allow it, such as Ibn Taymiyah, Muhammad Abduh and Ashgar Ali Engineer and Sahiron Syamsuddin. The MUI's "Religious Opinion and Position" states that Basuki Tjahaya Purnama has blasphemed and cannot lead the Muslim community. Meanwhile, there is a counter from Kiai Muda Ansor Youth Movement and Sahiron Samsuddin's interpretation with ma'na cum maghzanya approach that views the interpretation of the word "Áuliya" verse 51 surah Al-Maidah from the side of the agreement that has been agreed upon then broken by one of them and is far different from MUI's "Opinion and Religious Attitude" especially that the interpretation of this verse is not about leadership, but the breaking of promises.
Rethinking Political Moderation in Indonesia: A Critique from Chantal Mouffe’s Agonistic-Pluralism Perspective Musthafa, Adib Khairil; Rofiq, Muhammad Ainun; Zahara, Alfan Nawaziru
An-Nida' Vol 49, No 1 (2025): June
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian kepada Masyrakat

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24014/an-nida.v49i1.32668

Abstract

This article serves as a critical response to the work of Syahrain et al., which advocates for political moderation as the new foundation of Indonesian democracy. Utilizing Chantal Mouffe’s framework of agonistic pluralism, this study challenges the foundational assumptions of consensus-based deliberative democracy, which is thought to restore social cohesion. The article contends that such a model of moderation can reinforce dominant power, obscure significant differences of opinion, and constrict the political participation space for opposition or minority groups. Employing a qualitative-descriptive method, the article examines the literature on democratic theory and reflects on the cases of the 2017 Jakarta regional election (Pilkada DKI) and the 2019 presidential election (Pilpres). Data were collected from academic studies, policy documents, and media reports. The findings indicate that the rhetoric of moderation, which emphasizes harmony and stability, actually diminishes the space for ideological opposition; the delegitimization and dissolution of HTI and FPI affirm this tendency. Such practices not only consolidate the hegemony of dominant power but also exacerbate inequalities in political participation. As an alternative, we propose agonistic democracy: a model that recognizes conflict and difference as prerequisites for a vibrant public sphere. Its implementation includes reforming party systems based on proportional representation, providing legal protections for minority political groups, and designing public policies that accommodate the contestation of ideas. This approach aims to balance stability with political expression, ensuring that critical voices and marginalized alternative identities are not suppressed at the national level. Thus, this article advocates for a new paradigm of Indonesian democracy that is more inclusive, equitable, and resilient to diverse identities and political visions. Abstrak: Artikel ini merupakan respons kritis terhadap tulisan Syahrain et al. yang mengusung moderasi politik sebagai fondasi baru demokrasi Indonesia. Berbekal kerangka pluralisme agonistik Chantal Mouffe, studi ini mempertanyakan asumsi dasar demokrasi deliberatif berbasis konsensus yang diasumsikan mampu memulihkan kohesi sosial. Artikel ini berargumen bahwa model moderasi seperti itu bisa memperkuat kekuasaan yang dominan, menghilangkan perbedaan pandangan yang tajam, dan menyempitkan ruang partisipasi politik bagi kelompok oposisi atau minoritas. Melalui metode kualitatif‑deskriptif, artikel ini menelaah literatur teori demokrasi dan merefleksikannya pada kasus Pilkada DKI 2017 serta Pilpres 2019. Data dihimpun dari kajian akademik, dokumen kebijakan, dan laporan media. Temuan mengindikasikan bahwa retorika moderasi, yang menekankan harmoni dan stabilitas, justru menyusutkan ruang oposisi ideologis; delegitimasi hingga pembubaran HTI dan FPI menegaskan kecenderungan ini. Praktik tersebut tidak hanya meneguhkan hegemoni kekuasaan dominan, tetapi juga menggandakan ketimpangan partisipasi politik. Sebagai alternatif, kami mengusulkan demokrasi agonistik: model yang mengakui konflik dan perbedaan sebagai prasyarat ruang publik. Implementasinya meliputi reformasi sistem kepartaian berbasis representasi proporsional, perlindungan hukum bagi kelompok politik minoritas, dan perancangan kebijakan publik yang membuka lintasan kontestasi ide. Pendekatan ini bertujuan menyeimbangkan stabilitas dan ekspresi politik tanpa menindas suara kritis serta identitas alternatif marginal di level nasional. Dengan demikian, artikel ini mendorong paradigma baru demokrasi Indonesia yang lebih inklusif, setara, dan resilien terhadap pluralitas identitas maupun visi politik.
Menggugat Khilafah Islamiyah: Sejarah Politik Islam dalam Pembacaan Farag Fouda Musthafa, Adib Khairil
Thaqafiyyat : Jurnal Bahasa, Peradaban dan Informasi Islam Vol 24, No. 1 (2025): Thaqāfiyyāt
Publisher : Fakultas Adab dan Ilmu Budaya UIN Sunan Kalijaga Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/thaq.2025.24101

Abstract

Abstract: Farag Fouda, a prominent Muslim intellectual who tragically fell victim to the brutality of Islamist fundamentalist groups in Egypt, was one of the key figures who sought to critically examine Islamic history. His exploration and reinterpretation of Islamic political history ultimately made him a target of violent fundamentalist groups in the country. Fouda’s thoughts on the relationship between religion and the state called for a thorough historical inquiry and a new interpretive framework for understanding Islamic political history. This article employs a qualitative-descriptive approach based on library research to analyze Fouda’s critical reflections on the political history of Islam. It aims to present Farag Fouda’s historical perspectives, particularly his critiques of Islamic political history. The article is structured around three main themes: Fouda’s critique of political Islam, his reading of Islamic political history, and his analysis of the historical trajectory from the era of the Khulafa al-Rashidun to the Abbasid period. These thematic categories are formulated based on the assumption that Fouda’s views on the religion-state relationship fundamentally underpin his interpretation of Islamic history. Through his writings, Fouda offers a sharp critique, systematically exposing the weaknesses in the ideological foundations of the Khilafah Islamiyah. Abstrak: Farag Fouda, tokoh pemikir muslim yang menjadi korban tragis kelompok fundamentalis Islam di Mesir, adalah salah satu tokoh yang berusaha membaca dengan kritis sejarah Islam. Namun, sebab penelusuran dan interpretasinya atas sejarah politik Islam menyebabkan dirinya menjadi sasaran kebrutalan kelompok fundamentalis Islam di Mesir. Pemikiran Farag Fouda tentang hubungan agama dan negara, menghendaki kerja penelusuran sejarahnya pada interpretasi baru atas sejarah politik Islam. Artikel ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif-deskriptif berbasis studi pustaka (library research) untuk memahami pikiran dan pembacaan kritis Fouda atas sejarah politik Islam. Artikel ini akan menyajikan pemikiran historis Farag Fouda atas sejarah Islam, terutama mengenai Sejarah politik Islam. Ketegori pembahasan dalam artikel ini adalah mengenai; Kritik Farag Fouda tentang Islam Politik; Pembacaannya atas sejarah Islam Politik; dari masa khulafa’aurrasyidun hingga masa Abbasiyah. Kategori pembahasan tersebut dirumuskan berdasarkan asumsi bahwa pemikiran Farag Fouda mengenai hubungan agama dan negara, sesungguhnya ikut serta melandasi interpretasinya terhadap sejarah Islam.  Fouda menyajikan kritik dalam pembacaannya, ia menguraikan dengan baik kelemahan-kelemahan argumen khilafah Islamiyah.   
Kontestasi Pemaknaan Kepemimpinan Publik di PILGUB DKI: Perspektif Relasi Kuasa Zauhair Al Fawwaz, Fajriz; Musthafa, Adib Khairil
Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman Vol. 12 No. 2 (2024): Desember
Publisher : INSTITUT AGAMA ISLAM BANI FATTAH (IAIBAFA)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.52431/tafaqquh.v12i2.3078

Abstract

This article explains about the hegemony of MUI related to the blasphemy case in the 2017 DKI Pilgub which is based on surah al-Maidah verse 51, there are various opinions that give birth to community polarization. Therefore, this article will answer the question of how the relevant meaning today of the word "Auliya" in surah al-Maidah verse 51. This article uses Michel Foucault's theory of power relations related to the knowledge produced by MUI. The result of this discussion is that there are opinions of interpreters who do not allow non-Muslim leaders as Muslim leaders, such as Ibn Kathir and Sayyid Qutb. Some others allow it, such as Ibn Taymiyah, Muhammad Abduh and Ashgar Ali Engineer and Sahiron Syamsuddin. The MUI's "Religious Opinion and Position" states that Basuki Tjahaya Purnama has blasphemed and cannot lead the Muslim community. Meanwhile, there is a counter from Kiai Muda Ansor Youth Movement and Sahiron Samsuddin's interpretation with ma'na cum maghzanya approach that views the interpretation of the word "Áuliya" verse 51 surah Al-Maidah from the side of the agreement that has been agreed upon then broken by one of them and is far different from MUI's "Opinion and Religious Attitude" especially that the interpretation of this verse is not about leadership, but the breaking of promises.