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Sistem Kepartaian di Amerika Serikat dan Indonesia: Sebuah Studi Komparasi Politik Imron Wasi
Jurnal Silatene Sosial Humaniora Vol. 3 No. 2 (2025): September
Publisher : Suwaib Amiruddin Foundation

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.53611/xf5t1f90

Abstract

The party systems of the United States and Indonesia exhibit significant differences. However, both countries implement a presidential system of government and are also democratic. These differences in party systems can explicitly influence political systems, such as decision-making. In the Indonesian context, with its multi-party system, it is difficult for members and cadres of political parties in the legislature or parliament to secure political support for the government. This has implications for the formation of coalitions by the executive branch before competing in the electoral process. In contrast, in the United States, only two political parties represent the ideology of its people. This research method uses a qualitative descriptive approach with a preference-based approach, including sources such as scientific journals, books, research reports, and relevant research reports (Zed 2004). Furthermore, in analyzing the research object, the author uses the perspective presented by Heywood (2014) because it is relevant to the research object. Consequently, the multi-party system implemented in Indonesia, coupled with the presidential system, results in executive leaders building political alliances before the political arena begins. This is done to gain political support in parliament. There are only 580 seats available. In other words, it seems difficult for any candidate party running in the election to win the most votes. Deadlocked policies and programs are likely to occur if executive leaders lack parliamentary support, resulting in faltering political decisions. Meanwhile, the United States tends to be more stable, as there are only two political parties representing their respective ideologies. Nevertheless, political dynamics in the United States often give rise to their own dynamics.
Pergeseran Kekuasaan Keluarga Politik di Pilgub Banten 2024: Partai Golkar dan PKS Imron Wasi
Journal of Citizenship Volume 4 Issue 2, 2025
Publisher : HK Publishing

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37950/joc.v4i2.594

Abstract

This study discusses the shift in political power from one political elite to another at the local level within the scope of kinship politics. In the 2024 Banten Gubernatorial Election, the two candidates met, Airin Rachmi Diany-Ade Sumardi and Andra Soni-Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah. Airin Rachmi Diany represents the Tubagus Chasan Sochib political family which has dominated political power in Banten, especially since Banten first became a province. This political family has a deep-rooted political entity such as the Golkar Party. As a result, the Golkar Party has never been absent in controlling the executive power of Banten through its cadres who come from the Tubagus Chasan Sochib political family. Meanwhile, Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah has a political territory in Pandeglang Regency, which until now is still in the arena of kinship politics. The research method used is library research such as journals, books, research reports, and relevant research reports (Zed 2004). This study also uses a theoretical approach to answer the research questions, including the theory of power elites (Mills 1956). The result is a shift in political elites from the Tubagus Chasan Sochib political family (incumbent) to other political elites such as Achmad Dimyati Natakusumah, because the Tubagus Chasan Sochib political family (incumbent) failed to use control restrictions by parochializing power or party contracting. This is because the construction of a large coalition was actually built by the candidate pair Andra Soni-Dimyati Natakusumah. In fact, in previous gubernatorial elections, the Tubagus Chasan Sochib political family was always supported by political parties with large coalitions, including the Gerindra Party. Then, Andra Soni-Dimyati Natakusumah (opposition) managed to take advantage of this weakness by opening boundaries by inviting the presence of national elites in the 2024 Banten gubernatorial election, and the development of opinions created by Andra Soni-Dimyati Natakusumah which succeeded in influencing voter preferences, especially regarding 'Banten Anti-Corruption'. Keywords: Power Shift, Power Elite, 2024 Banten Gubernatorial Election, Golkar, PKS.
PENINGKATAN LITERASI POLITIK DIGITAL DALAM PENCEGAHAN CYBERBULLYING SEBAGAI UPAYA REVITALISASI KEWARGAAN Imron Wasi; Efriza; Rochendi Suryadinata; Faojah
Tensile : Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat Vol 4 No 1 (2026): Maret 2026
Publisher : Teknik Mesin ,Universitas Pamulang Serang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.32493/tensile.v4i1.58837

Abstract

Informasi yang diterima warga di dunia maya sering kali menimbulkan informasi yang tidak benar atau kabar bohong (hoaks), bahkan saat proses elektoral bergulir informasi ini bahkan muncul di ruang publik yang sekaligus berimbas kepada tindakan perundungan (cyberbullying) yang dilakukan oleh para warga lainnya yang berada di dunia maya. Selain itu, faktor masih rendahnya pendidikan literasi digital menjadi masalah utama, termasuk para pelajar. Fenomena ini berkelindan terhadap praktik politik di Indonesia, baik nasional maupun regional dan lokal. Oleh karena itu, partisipasi politik kewargaan sangat diperlukan, terutama peningkatan literasi digital terhadap warga maupun para pelajar. Sebab, hal tersebut masih menjadi tantangan yang serius mengenai keterlibatan warga dalam proses politik praktis dan interaksi sosial di ruang publik. Hal ini bisa berimbas terhadap kualitas pemilih pada palagan politik. Hal ini ditengarai karena masih lemahnya kesadaran politik kewargaan sekaligus minimnya keterlibatan pemerintah, partai politik dalam memberikan pendidikan politik terhadap warga. Selain itu, politik di tingkat lokal cenderung menampilkan kekuatan figur sentral, terutama orang kuat lokal (local strongmen). Metode yang digunakan dalam kegiatan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (PkM) ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif deskriptif sekaligus memperoleh sumber data dari sejumlah kepustakaan seperti buku, jurnal, laporan (Zed 2004). Hasilnya, terdapat masalah utama antara rendahnya kesadaran digital dan politik. Sehingga, mengakibatkan para pemilih atau warga serta para pelajar yang masih sebagai pemilih pemulla cenderung menjadi objek informasi hoaks tersebut, terutama saat kontestasi politik maupun dalam interkasi sosial. Dengan demikian, kegiatan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat (PkM) ini memberikan edukasi politik sekaligus penguatan institusi lokal, termasuk menciptakan kesadaran pendidikan literasi digital dan politik masyarakat.