Indonesian Perspective
IP (Indonesian Perspective) is a scholarly journal published by the Department of International Relations, Diponegoro University. Appears two volumes a year, the journal covers broad subject areas ranging from international politics, global security, global political economy, diplomacy and foreign policy, transnational relations, to theoretical debates concerning contemporary global challenges. The name ‘Indonesian Perspective’ implies that all article submissions must meet requirement to connect their analysis to Indonesia foreign relations, either how Indonesia perceives global politics or how global politics affects Indonesia. It is important as part of a systematic effort to develop Indonesian school of IR in the long run. The Editor welcomes manuscript submission from academics, researchers, as well as practitioners around the globe to enhance our understanding regarding how global politics matters for Indonesia and vice versa.
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<![CDATA[Maskulinitas sebagai Tonggak Keempat dalam Kajian Feminisme Hubungan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Lulu Helina Mulya]]>;
<![CDATA[Ani Soetjipto]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43545
<![CDATA[International relations as an academic field of study has a reputation for being masculine, violent, aggressive, or even brutal because of its focus on power projections and the state as the main actor. His academic and practical discussions rarely discuss issues related to other matters outside of defense, military, and state power, such as issues of gender equality or social welfare that have international and transnational dimensions. This paper criticizes the conception of masculinity which has been the heart of various schools of thought in international relations through the lens of feminism. This paper will explore more deeply the approaches and main ideas in the concept of masculinity and international relations, by focusing on the ideas promoted by the realism and constructivism paradigms. These ideas will then be contested with the concepts narrated by feminists in international relations. After reviewing the masculinity approach, this paper will also attempt to map the consensus between the feminist approach and the traditional notion of international relations regarding the concept of masculinity.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Middle-Power Indonesia di Masa Pandemi ]]>
<![CDATA[Albert Triwibowo]]>;
<![CDATA[Jessica Martha]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43540
<![CDATA[Middle countries are considered to be more vulnerable in crisis management because of their marginal position in the international politics. In the pandemic, middle power diplomacy is expected to fill the void left by developed countries so that they focus on multilateral efforts. This paper argues that Indonesia exercised middle power diplomacy in 2020. This diplomacy is carried out with a commitment to encourage global cooperation in resolving the pandemic through multilateral efforts. The multilateral initiatives are carried out as part of ‘good international citizenship’, and also serves as the mechanism to voice Indonesian aspirations, aspirations related to humanity, efforts to create global norms, and efforts to reach international treaties. This paper is a qualitative research, which is based on a literature study in the form of an official statement from the Government of Indonesia through the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and is supported by secondary sources.]]>
<![CDATA[Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Indonesia Amid the Spread of COVID-19: Case Study of Refugees and Asylum Seekers in Pekanbaru ]]>
<![CDATA[Rizky Octa Putri Charin]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43546
<![CDATA[This paper aims to analyze how the Indonesian government’s efforts to fulfill the health rights of refugees or asylum seekers who were in Indonesia when the COVID-19 case hit the world. Pekanbaru was chosen as a case study because it has broken the record for the highest number of additional COVID-19 cases in Indonesia. This condition is exacerbated by the fact that, Pekanbaru is also one of the cities with the highest number of receiving refugees in Indonesia. Using qualitative research methods, this paper argues that the acceptance of refugees by Indonesia on humanitarian principles is in line with the identity that has been shown as defenders of human rights. To maintain this identity, in terms of handling COVID-19 with refugees, it would be better if Indonesia adapted policies that were adaptive and sensitive to minority groups, in this case asylum seekers in Pekanbaru.]]>
<![CDATA[Aspek Human Security dalam Pembatasan Masuknya Orang Asing ke Indonesia karena Pandemi Covid-19 ]]>
<![CDATA[Junior Perdana Sande]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43541
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze Indonesia’s Immigration policy in restricting the arrival of foreigners due to the Covid-19 pandemic. Through a qualitative research method and descriptive analysis approach, it can be explained how the concept of human security and state sovereignty affects the making and implementation of a series of policies to restrict the arrival of foreigners to Indonesia during the Covid-19 pandemic. The author seeks to provide an analysis of how the Covid-19 pandemic has become a real threat to global human security and how the Indonesian government seeks to protect the Indonesian people by limiting the arrival of foreigners to minimize the spread of Covid-19. The Indonesian government does not take a lockdown policy, but prefers policies that can protect health while protecting the economic activities of the Indonesian people. In the ‘New Normal’ way, Indonesia’s immigration policies continue to adapt to support economic recovery while supporting the implementation of health protocols.]]>
<![CDATA[Persembahan untuk Masa Depan Pengungsi: Resensi Buku ]]>
<![CDATA[Arief Bakhtiar Darmawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43547
<![CDATA[Buku First, They Erased Our Name: A Rohingya Speaks yang ditulis Habiburahman dan Sophia Ansel menawarkan pengetahuan dari sisi perjalanan hidup korban. Cerita ini penting sebab kemiskinan, tingkat literasi rendah, dan akses teknologi yang terbatas membuat etnis Rohingya tidak mampu menghadapi penggiringan opini tentang isu Rohingya versi pemerintah Myanmar. Bersamaan dengan itu, selama ini, eksistensi kelompok minoritas sangat bergantung pada pihak lain, seperti para aktivis maupun organisasi internasional yang menyuarakan hak asasi manusia. Habiburahman ingin mendobrak semua itu. Kehadiran buku ini menegaskan: saatnya perspektif dan pengalaman seorang Rohingya berbicara kepada khalayak masyarakat global tentang apa yang sebenarnya terjadi terhadap mereka.]]>
<![CDATA[Paradiplomacy in Creating Regional Competitiveness: Case Study of Jember Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43542
<![CDATA[This paper describes the paradiplomacy of the Jember Regency. This paper shows that the Jember Regency’s paradiplomacy through city diplomacy can act as an actor who can cooperate with countries such as Japan and Canada in various fields in order to be a safe and comfortable regency. In doing so, the local government seeks to create international connections through sister cities and smart cities. This effort is a strategy to enter the digital era, which demands more innovative and creative regions. Jember Regency uses a conservative type of paradiplomacy which in line with the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as the foreign relations coordinator. Thus, the relationship built is in the form of a joint coordinator formula and parallel harmony between the capital city and the local government. In addition, educational cooperation was conducted by the University of Jember as a form of soft power to introduce many foreigners’ artistic identity, values, and local culture. ]]>
<![CDATA[Hubungan Luar Negeri Provinsi Maluku dengan Selandia Baru dalam Mengembangkan Energi Terbarukan ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdullah Randika Anwar]]>;
<![CDATA[Windy Dermawan]]>;
<![CDATA[RMT Nurhasan Affandy]]>;
<![CDATA[Gilang Nur Alam]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43543
<![CDATA[Maluku Province is one of the regions that has the potential for renewable energy resources which are quite abundant, but they have not been utilized properly due to various obstacles and challenges in the region. In order to overcome the existing problems, Maluku Province has established foreign relations with the Government of New Zealand through the New Zealand Booking program - Maluku Access to Renewable Energy Support (NZMATES) starting from April 2018 to June 2023. This research aims to describe how the efforts taken by the Maluku Provincial Government and the New Zealand Government in developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. By using qualitative methods with data techniques through literature studies and internet-based document searches, this article argues that through the establishment of foreign relations between Maluku Province and New Zealand through the formation of NZMATES it can help and facilitate the process of developing renewable energy in the Maluku region. NZMATES can create a more competent work environment by engaging with several agencies with regional interests to participate in developing renewable energy in Maluku Province.]]>
<![CDATA[Disfungsionalitas Humanitarianisme: Ekspektasi Kehadiran Resiprositas dalam Isu Vaksinasi Pengungsi dan Pencari Suaka di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Alexander Yudho Pratama]]>;
<![CDATA[Debora Debora]]>;
<![CDATA[Samuel Elisa]]>;
<![CDATA[Tristan Noa Araisya]]>;
<![CDATA[Akbar Yudha Susila]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Perspective Vol 6, No 2: (Juli-Desember 2021), hlm. 123-259 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Diponegoro ]]>
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DOI: 10.14710/ip.v6i2.43544
<![CDATA[This paper analyzes the humanitarian act dysfunction in Indonesia, particularly emphasizing the disparity of refugee vaccination as a form of ignorance towards moral obligation. We argue that the presence of reciprocity expectation for Indonesia’s effort to vaccinate said group of people caused dysfunctionality. We approach the issue humanitarianly using the concept of global justice to explain the relevance of dysfunctionality and vaccine disparity for refugees as well as the moral obligation within the intermestic dimension. In line with the previously stated notion, the intermestic approach is also used as a catalyst for the re-observation of refugee accommodation strategy within the context of COVID-19 pandemic countermeasures. Indonesia’s neglect caused by the country’s reluctance becomes more understandable considering the small potential for politicization of these refugee vaccination efforts. Therefore, emphasizing on the rationalism of profit and loss aspect, the reciprocity motive is proven as vital reference through the attention given to the significance of actor’s roles and behavior, including state actors.]]>
