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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
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Articles 6 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol. 3, No. 2" : 6 Documents clear
Religious Sentiments in Local Politics Arjon, Sugit Sanjaya
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

The rise of religious sentiments and identity politics in Indonesia is currently in a critical phase. Indonesia is neither a Muslim nor a secular country, although it recognizes the existence of God in its first state theory principle. Together with corruption and human rights, religion is a fundamental issue in politicians’ campaign materials, as these topics can be considered key for attracting voters. The fall of President Suharto’s New Order should be considered the starting point of the sublime journey of political identity, which often implicates religions and ethnicity under the umbrella of democratic practices. However, after the fall of Suharto and the New Order era, religious sentiments were not used and did not attacks on other religions until the 2017 Jakarta election. As Indonesia is a diverse country, its politics should not exploit religious or ethnic differences as the basis for voting for certain candidates or turn them into campaign tools. The rise of religious sentiment during the 2017 Jakarta election successfully split Indonesia into two sides: those with a nationalist ideology and those with a religious ideology. It is hypothesized that this separation will sooner or later cause two dangerously practices to grow in the society: Islamic exceptionalism and a government that rules with an iron fist. This qualitative article examines how Islamic exceptionalists have portrayed and framed themselves within Indonesia’s democratic practices and why the religious ideology is again on the rise. It explores arguments about why increases in religious sentiments and identity politics should be considered a critical test for Indonesia’s socio-politics and decisive for the progress of Indonesia’s democracy. Interestingly, the results show that in the context of local politics, most people are not attracted by and do not vote for candidates who exploit religious sentiments during their campaigns.
Strategi Politik Elektoral Gerakan Buruh di Korea Selatan (2004-2014) Pratiwi, Dana
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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This research aims to analyze the reason why the electoral political strategies of the labor movement in South Korea tend to be ineffective after 2004. It can be seen by the decrease in the number of positions obtained by the labor party in the national parliament, the internal party factions, the gap between the organization of the labor movement and the party, the party is unable to expand its support base and to accom¬modate other national policy issues. This research uses a qualitative methods and the secondary data to answer the research question. The analysis is referred to a research conducted by Collins. She stated that there are two aspects that determine a movement in order to form a successful political party in electoral politics. The two aspects are the political opportunity and resource mobilization undertaken by the movement. I argue that the cause of ineffectivenss in the electoral strategy of labour movement in South Korea after 2004 were the existence of obstacles in the political opportunity which has not been favorable for them and in the resource mobilization.
Presidentialized Party di Indonesia: Kasus Perilaku PDI-P dalam Pencalonan Joko Widodo pada Pilpres 2014 Alhamid, Ahmad; Permana, Aditya
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

The mechanism of direct election in presidential election encourages political party to choose the most popular candidate even though he/she is a party outsider. It has a risk that the party or the general chairperson as “principal” will have difficulty controlling the nominated “agent” or outsider. Presidentialism at least changes the behavior of political parties in terms of nominating, electing, and governing. Through qualitative methods and data collection using interviews, this research raises the case study of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) behavior in the nomination of Joko Widodo as the Presidential Candidate of the Republic of Indonesia in the 2014 Election. By combining Samuels-Shugart’s model of presidentialized party (2010) and Kawamura (2013) as the main theory, coupled with the perspective of Poguntke-Webb (2005), this research produced several findings. First, PDI-P, although it was still dominated by Megawati Soekarnoputri role in the party’s decision, but exploited the popularity of outsider figure, Joko Widodo, to win the 2014 Election. Second, in the case of PDI-P, the principal-agent relation is unique because its principal is Megawati only, remembering her central role in the party. As for the agents, there are two parties, first, the party administrators who obedient to Megawati, and since the 2014 election, came the se¬cond agent namely Joko Widodo who got the mandate to manage the executive. Third, there are several internal conflict dynamics dominated by conflict between different interests of agents. Fourth, Megawati as principal was having difficulty in controlling her agent, Jokowi, so Megawati was often reminded him with the term “party officer”. This article argues that PDI-P was presidentialized although it still had a personalized party character.
Faktor-faktor Penghambat Ritel Berjaringan Masuk ke Kota Padang sampai Tahun 2017 Balqis, Monica
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This article explains how local government can hamper the development of retail net¬work in Padang City. In the case of Padang, the local government in the era of economic decentralization is assumed to encourage openness to investment, instead of using the instrument of authority to block the entry of retail network. The author uses a qualitative-descriptive method to answer the problem by digging primary data and supplemented by published data. By analyzing through a barrier to entry mechanism, this mechanism stipulates that local governments inhibit the entry of retail network in order to prevent competition with local retailers through several key factors. This study approves that there are three main factors that hamper the entry of retail network in Padang City: government intervention in the retail industry, government policy is applied as market entry criteria and bureaucratic barrier that cause licensing delays.
Membaca Kelas Menengah Muslim Indonesia Aina, Qorry
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
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Keluarga Politik Yasin Limpo Pada Pemilihan Kepala Daerah di Kabupaten Gowa Tahun 2015 Rusnaedy, Zaldy; Purwaningsih, Titin
Jurnal Politik Vol. 3, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

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Abstract

This article discusses the modality of Yasin Limpo’s family in the 2015 Gowa Regency local election. The modality itself consists of economic, social, cultural, and political capital. This research applies qualitative approach which shows that influential capitals are actually the legacy of resources owned by an influential older member of the family. As he acted as regents in previous terms he controlled resources which in turn signifi¬cantly generate public support to the candidates in the 2015 local election. This article argues that the inheritance of modality in the form of the legacies of flagship programs is the most influential capital. The superiority of the the Yasin Limpo family in the Gowa District is in fact getting stronger shown by the domination of members of the family that compete as the frontrunner candidates, Adnan Purichta Ichsan and Tenri Olle.

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