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Contact Name
Shofwan Al Banna Choiruzzad
Contact Email
shofwan.albanna@gmail.com
Phone
+62217873744
Journal Mail Official
global@ui.ac.id
Editorial Address
Jl. Prof. Selo Soemardjan, Nusantara 2 2nd Floor, Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Indonesia, Depok City 16424, Indonesia
Location
Kota depok,
Jawa barat
INDONESIA
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 14115492     EISSN : 25798251     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/global
Core Subject :
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional is a biannual peer-reviewed journal that specialises in foreign policy, international security, international political economy, and transnational issues involving actors of the Global South, having implications towards the Global South, or perspectives from the Global South that are often overlooked in the mainstream journals in the Global North. With its first issue published in 1990, Global is the oldest university-based journal of International Relations in Indonesia, a historically leading actor in the Global South. Hosted by the Department of International Relations, Universitas Indonesia, Global has been serving as one of the primary platforms for ideas exchanges among Indonesia’s most influential thinkers and beyond. In its attempt to internationalise and further bridge the North and South perspectives, the journal welcomes submission of manuscripts that would be of interest to scholarly communities and policymakers. For this purpose, since 2019 Global only publishes articles in English. Global publishes two types of articles: original research articles offering theory-driven empirical analysis and review articles that critically examine contemporary debates in International Relations literature.
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Articles 6 Documents
Search results for , issue "Vol. 26, No. 1" : 6 Documents clear
REDEFINING BOUNDARIES: WOMEN'S STRATEGIC POSITION IN THE EVOLVING INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC REALM Anadza, Hirshi
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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Abstract

The dichotomy of public and private is always related to the binary oppositions of women and men in social realms. Men are always the representation of the public because masculinity emphasises public discourse, war, and peace, and vice versa with women. Consequently, exploring how women position themselves within the international public sphere is imperative, particularly as the boundary between the public and private realms becomes increasingly blurred. This article argues that women could play a crucial role in this more complex public-private dichotomy while facing the international realm. Nation-states have a role as publics domestically but then change their status quo and become private internationally. Besides, the increasing female population in the world also suggests that women's involvement should be considered in any decision-making process. With the help of deductive qualitative analysis and evidence from some parts of the world, this article shows that women should get more involved in the international public realm. At the same time, the public-private dichotomy becomes even more blurred. The increasing level of women's involvement, the blurred public-private dichotomy, and the procrastinating women's involvement are essential evidence of the argument of this article. Instead of debating sexual clichés, this article aims to show that women's involvement nowadays in the international public realm could be a strategic move by a nation-state regarding the domination of private and even public realms.
THE ABSENCE OF A HEGEMONIC STATE IN THE YAOUNDE CODE OF CONDUCT REGIME IN THE GULF OF GUINEA Rahman, Maulana Ammar Auliaur
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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In 2013, countries around the Gulf of Guinea established the Yaounde Code of Conduct as a maritime security regime to prevent and counter piracy and other maritime-related problems in the area. It turned out that numerous challenges made the Yaounde Code of Conduct unable to deal with the piracy problem in the area. This research, therefore, aims to explain the Yaounde Code of Conduct’s inability to deal with the problem using the Hegemonic Stability Theory, which is rooted in a power-based approach from international regimes study. By implementing explanative methods, the author argued that the absence of a hegemonic state in the Yaounde Code of Conduct regime made it unable to solve the piracy problem in the Gulf of Guinea. It is also important to examine the potential figure among the regime members to claim the hegemonic state position within the regime and the challenge that made them unable to claim that position yet.
SECURITISATION, NATIONAL ACTION PLAN, AND LAW ON TERRORISM IN THE PHILIPPINES AND INDONESIA: QUESTIONING COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH Anindya, Chaula Rininta Rininta
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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Abstract

The fundamental aim of the National Action Plan (NAP) on Preventing and Countering Violent Extremism (P/CVE) is to employ a comprehensive approach to addressing the root causes of violent extremism. However, does it necessarily become a real instrument to employ a comprehensive approach in P/CVE? The case of Indonesia and the Philippines will show the important factors of the people behind the policy-making process and the timing of the issuance of NAP. The NAP will only become a mere jargon of a “comprehensive approach” when there is limited access for other actors outside of the governmental agencies to be involved in the policy-making process. It will only be exploited as an instrument of securitisation because the bulk of attention is on the use of kinetic approach which is regulated under the following regulations that are issued after the NAP. In contrast, if there is a wide range of relevant actors involved, it will allow the policymakers to receive various feedback from different perspectives. Issuing NAP after the other regulations that are heavy on kinetic approach will also allow NAP to compensate for it; showing the government’s commitment to provide comprehensive security.
ANALYSIS OF AMERICA, CHINA, AND INDONESIAN CONFLICT STYLES IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA 2018-2023 Hanif Zaki, Amril AHZ
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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Abstract

This research aims to analyse the factors contributing to the ongoing conflict in the South China Sea between China, Indonesia, and the United States. China's aspiration to control the Natuna Islands has been evident since the 1990s, with a marked escalation since 2009. The authors used a mixed methods approach, including a literature review and bibliometric analysis, to analyse 49 documents from the Scopus database. Data were analysed using the 50 Conflict Resolution Activities framework by Jonamay Lambert and Selma Meyers. The study reveals that China exhibits a “Pit Bull” conflict style in 2019 documents, while the United States and Indonesia demonstrate a “Worker Bees” conflict style in 2019, 2020, and 2023 documents. Indonesia is expected to be diligent in 2021, 2022, and 2023 documents. Conflict escalation in the South China Sea involving China, Indonesia, and the United States experienced a spike in 2019-2020 documents, resembling the behaviour of a "Pit Bull". However, it is estimated that the intensity of the conflict will decrease in 2021-2023, leading to a more peaceful and cooperative dynamic.
STABLE AUTOCRACY IN SAUDI ARABIA: THE FAILURE OF ARAB SPRING DEMOCRATISATION Fahadayna, Adhi C.
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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STABLE AUTOCRACY IN SAUDI ARABIA: THE FAILURE OF ARAB SPRING DEMOCRATISATION Adhi Cahya Fahadayna Universitas Brawijaya Email: a.fahadayna@ub.ac.id Submitted: 7 October 2023; Accepted: 10 July 2024 ABSTRAK Arab Saudi mempertahankan stabilitas sistem autokrasi sebagai landasan fundamental dalam sistem politik dan sistem pemerintah. Arab Saudi memiliki cadangan minyak bumi yang tinggi. Selain itu, Arab Saudi dipandang sebagai sekutu yang memiliki kedekatan dengan Amerika Serikat. Secara historis, Arab Saudi dikenal sebagai pusat peradaban agama Islam. Namun, pun ketika gelombang demokratisasi di Timur Tengah semakin menguat, Arab Saudi tetap mempertahankan eksistensi monarki absolut sebagai sumber utama stabilitas politik dan ekonomi negara. Hal tersebut tidak dapat dipisahkan dari penerapan Islam sebagai sumber stabilitas sistem autokrasi, dengan melakukan konfigurasi kekuatan politik kepada Keluarga Ibnu Saud dan Al ash-Sheikh, stabilitas yang berdampak pada kokohnya dan konsistensi sistem autokrasi di Arab Saudi. Perkembangan institusi demokrasi dan reformasi pendidikan agama secara efektif bisa dibendung dengan penerapan hukum Islam dengan ketat oleh lembaga-lembaga penegak hukum yang dikendalikan penuh oleh kerajaan. Selain itu, perkembangan aktivisme media sosial juga tidak memberikan dampak yang signifikan terhadap proses demokratisasi di Arab Saudi. Penelitian ini akan menggunakan pendekatan historis dalam menganalisis sumber stabilitas sistem autokrasi Arab Saudi. Peneliti akan menjelaskan dominasi kerajaan dalam aspek agama, politik, dan hukum sebagai faktor yang berpengaruh dalam stabilitas sistem autokrasi dan penggunaan sumber daya minyak sebagai posisi tawar untuk menghambat agenda demokratisasi Barat. Kata kunci: Arab Saudi, Stabilitas Autokrasi, Monarki, Wahhabisme, Arab Spring ABSTRACT Saudi Arabia maintains a stable autocracy as the fundamental politics of the state and government system. Saudi Arabia has high petroleum reserves and has always been considered a close ally of the United States. Historically, Saudi Arabia has also been known as the centre of Islamic civilisation and the Islamic religion. As the wave of democratisation in the Middle East strengthened, Saudi Arabia preserved the autocratic government style as the state’s central source of political and economic stability, which cannot be separated from Islam as the source of stable autocracy. By configuring its political power to the Ibn Saud Family and Al ash-Sheikh Family, the stability to preserve autocracy is undeniably robust and unchanging. The development of democratic institutions and reformation of religious education was effectively hindered by enforcing Islamic law through various law enforcement agencies controlled by the monarch. The significant impact of social media during the Arab Spring did not have substantial implications for the democratisation process. This research will use historical analysis to unpack the source of stable autocracy in Saudi Arabia by using the monarch's domination toward religion, politics, and law as the bargaining power of stability resources for hindering West democratisation.
GENDER, SECURITY, AND CLIMATE CHANGE NEXUS: TAKING VIOLENCE PREVENTION SERIOUSLY IN THE GLOBAL SOUTH Hanifah, Laila, Ms
Global: Jurnal Politik Internasional Vol. 26, No. 1
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Abstract

According to prior studies, a significant proportion of individuals affected by conflict regularly demonstrate that women experience violence to a greater extent. As the Cold War era came to an end, trends in major armed conflicts began to shift. Climate change has emerged as a new non-traditional security threat around the world, similar to traditional security challenges. The UNFCC recognises that women are disproportionately vulnerable and bear a greater burden from the impacts of climate change. Yet despite this, women are often marginalised from discourses on security. Research on security, gender and climate change shows that the consequences of climate change, such as disasters, water scarcity and food insecurity, have a significant impact on conflict and violence, particularly increasing sexual and gender-based violence. Ultimately, this article shows that women's different experiences and knowledge are critical to consider in security projects in the global South to minimise conflict and build a global society that is resilient to climate change. Using literature review case studies in Haiti, South Sudan, Somalia, Zimbabwe and Indonesia, this article presents an overview of security projects in the South that aim to prevent violence. It also provides a balanced critique of existing efforts at the intersection of gender, security, and climate change.

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