Global Focus
Global Focus is a bilingual peer-reviewed journal that issues bi-annually in April and October. The Journal is managed and published by the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya. Global Focus is an interdisciplinary journal that welcomes manuscripts of original empirical, analytic, and theoretical global studies. The purpose of Global Focus is to provide readers a broad, complex, and dynamic process of interactive decision-making that is continually evolving and responding to global political changes. The particular topics relevant to this Journal are international security, global political economy, global ethics and culture, transnational issues, and other related sub-fields. The Journal focuses on these main themes: - The rising of transnational actors/issues within global politics; - The alternative and beyond states perspective, and; - The interplay of global-local/international-domestic.
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<![CDATA[Antara Ideologi dan Ketimpangan: Justifikasi Kekerasan FARC di Kolombia ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.3
<![CDATA[In analyzing armed conflict, or any other political violence, it must be viewed as something that didn't emerge from the void. Violence cannot be explained by one variable only, such as ideology or objective reality. Both variables intertwined and justified one another. This article attempts to demonstrate how those variables justify such political violence in Columbia. This article concluded that aside from encouraging violence, an acute structural problem, as demonstrated by inequality or injustice, also provides an ideal condition for the formation of the FARC that embodied Marxism-Leninism ideas. The intertwined Ideology and Structural Problem justifies terror and violence conducted by FARC. Terror and violence are viewed as the only effective tactics in a situation where demobilization and political struggle through peaceful means only produce destruction for them.ABSTRAKDalam melakukan analisis terhadap konflik bersenjata atau bentuk kekerasan politik lain, kekerasan harus dilihat sebagai sesuatu yang tidak datang dari ruang hampa. Kekerasan tidak dapat dijelaskan hanya dengan satu faktor tunggal (ideologi/realitas objektif semata), namun, keduanya saling berkelindan dan memberikan justifikasi satu sama lain. Tulisan ini berusaha untuk menunjukkan bagaimana hal tersebut terjadi di Kolombia. Argumen utama dalam tulisan ini adalah: permasalahan struktural akut seperti ketimpangan dan ketidakadilan selain mendorong kekerasan, juga memberikan kondisi ideal bagi kemunculan kelompok pemberontak FARC yang berideologi Marxisme-Leninisme. Kelindan di antara keduanya menjustifikasi teror dan kekerasan yang dilakukan FARC karena teror dan kekerasan dilihat sebagai satu-satunya taktik yang efektif dalam situasi di mana demobilisasi dan perjuangan politik melalui cara-cara damai (pembuatan partai) justru membuat mereka dimusnahkan.]]>
<![CDATA[The Path to Democracy? Foreign Aid Post-Military Coup in Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.4
<![CDATA[Aid has transformed into a promising tool of policy to spread, gain, or maintain power and influence internationally. One of the common aid institutions keeps actively promoting and pushing norms and values of democracy internationally in the United States through USAID. Upon that, one of the recipient countries to receive USAID programs in Myanmar. USAID has been focusing on and pushing democratization to occur in Myanmar and creating supporting programs to respond to the 2015 election, increasing the number of aids after the majority win of the NLD Party in the 2015 election. However, after the military coup successfully seized the government on February 1, 2021, USAID decided to shift its programs to support the civil society movement and strengthen democracy in Myanmar. Within this paper, there will be explanations of how USAID's programs after the military coup occurred in Myanmar, and why it matters to the United States not fully to halt their programs and aids of USAID. This paper will also show how USAID programs and aid to Myanmar before the coup. ]]>
<![CDATA[Questioning Joko Widodo’s Global Maritime Fulcrum: Change and Overlap Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.5
<![CDATA[The Global Maritime Fulcrum is a strategy chosen by President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), declared in 2014, consisting of 7 pillars. This program has been running for three years since Presidential Regulation Number 16 of 2017 concerning the Indonesian Maritime Policy mainly focuses on domestic pillars such as the Sea Highway. This policy did not last long when President Jokowi entered his second term to focus on the vision of Indonesia Maju, which emphasized Indonesia's position as a developing country. Using Rumelt's right strategic approach and bad strategy and changes and continuity in foreign policy, the author tries to find the extent to which the implementation of Indonesian Marine policy can become Indonesia's central foreign policy? This research found, among other things: 1) Indonesian Marine Policy authorities overlap, even though there is no clear multi-sectoral scope of work between agencies. 2) The focus on domestic needs only makes the Indonesian Maritime Policy rely on the Sea Highway as the primary focus so that it is not oriented towards an outward-looking and long-term vision. 3) The lack of commitment of President Jokowi's administration in executing the points in the Presidential Regulation. The study concludes that President Jokowi completely changed Indonesia's Maritime Policy strategy in his second term.]]>
<![CDATA[Improving Justice and Security in Indonesia: The Role of Australia-Indonesia Partnership for Justice (AIPJ2) ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.1
<![CDATA[Located in a strategic area and consisting of various ethnicities and religions, Indonesia is vulnerable to transnational crimes and violent extremism. Furthermore, this also creates social injustice, where groups are marginalized. Therefore, Indonesia continues to strive to improve justice and security for its citizens, one of which is by increasing cooperation with other countries or international organizations. This article aims to explain how Indonesia-Australia cooperation’s role in maintaining justice and security in Indonesia through the second period of the Australia- Indonesia Partnership for Justice (AIPJ2). The author will use qualitative methods and use secondary data, where data will be collected from previous studies and related literature. The results of this research show that AIPJ2, through its support and programs to several Civil Society Organisations and government institutions, has contributed to positive changes in the justice and security sectors in Indonesia, even though these changes were done gradually and has to face challenges.]]>
<![CDATA[Strengthening North-South Relations: The Case of EU and ECOWAS Cooperation ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.6
<![CDATA[Regional integration is discussing cooperation among states in a region and the influence of external states or organizations. The cooperation among regions is known as inter-regionalism. As a leader in regional integration, European Union (EU) has been cooperating with the other regions since their name was European Economic Community. Firstly, Europe established relations in the form of political dialogue and cooperation with ASEAN and Asian countries. For this occasion, the EU established Asia Europe Meeting (ASEM). Subsequently, the EU created external relations with African, Caribbean, Pacific (ACP), South American, etc. This research elaborates on the relation of the EU with the West African region. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) is the regional institution chosen by the EU to engage in the relationship. Some scholars acknowledged that ECOWAS is one of the most organized institutions in the African Region. Asymmetric relation between EU and ECOWAS denotes the relation of The North and The South countries. By analyzing the inter-regionalism framework, this paper exercises a liberal institutional perspective as the main paradigm. The results found that inter-regionalism could reinforce strong institutions in both regions.]]>
<![CDATA[Measuring Sustainable Livelihood in The Border Areas: The Case Study of Sangihe Island, North Sulawesi ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.2
<![CDATA[This paper measures sustainable livelihood through the government poverty reduction program in Indonesia's border areas. We drew on primary field data sources and secondary data, including oral histories, in-depth interviews about livelihood, ecological, and documented evidence of environmental, socioeconomic, and institutional dynamics to identify the sustainability of poverty reduction programs. We use this information to understand whether the program is resilient or vulnerable. Cross-border areas are the most strategic position in building a country's image. One of the development priorities is to develop Indonesia from the periphery by strengthening regions and villages within the framework of a unitary state, especially the outermost villages and border villages. Sangihe Islands Regency is one of the border areas located in North Sulawesi Province. This paper is an initial analysis of the development of border areas and poverty alleviation programs in the Sangihe Islands Regency. The Sustainable Livelihood Approach is used to assess poverty reduction strategies in the Sangihe Islands Regency. The research shows that poverty in the Sangihe Islands Regency has become a main priority in the development program of the Sangihe Regional Government. National and Provincial governments support this program through the implementation of poverty alleviation. This program has had positive results, but it is vulnerable because it does not focus on sustainability.]]>
<![CDATA[Editorial Foreword: Relocating Justice in International Relations ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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<![CDATA[The mainstream scholarly discourse of International Relations has had tendencies to prioritize stability and order over justice because of its state-centric approach. Yet, we see how that is no longer the case in the 21st century. The question of justice becomes increasingly prevalent as transnationalism, global poverty, climate change, and human rights violation are on the rise. The notion of justice in International Relations is not only concerned about the morality or the moral worth of the individual to be treated equally, but it also deals with who deserves what, how, and why. In these uncertain times, we are facing global inequality and injustice with grievances that need to be addressed worldwide. Thus, this second edition of Journal Global Focus (JGF) Vol. 1 No. 2 is dedicated to highlighting and relocating justice.]]>
