Global Focus
Global Focus is a bilingual peer-reviewed journal that issues bi-annually in April and October. The Journal is managed and published by the Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Brawijaya. Global Focus is an interdisciplinary journal that welcomes manuscripts of original empirical, analytic, and theoretical global studies. The purpose of Global Focus is to provide readers a broad, complex, and dynamic process of interactive decision-making that is continually evolving and responding to global political changes. The particular topics relevant to this Journal are international security, global political economy, global ethics and culture, transnational issues, and other related sub-fields. The Journal focuses on these main themes: - The rising of transnational actors/issues within global politics; - The alternative and beyond states perspective, and; - The interplay of global-local/international-domestic.
Articles
63 Documents
<![CDATA[Antara Ideologi dan Ketimpangan: Justifikasi Kekerasan FARC di Kolombia ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.3
<![CDATA[In analyzing armed conflict, or any other political violence, it must be viewed as something that didn't emerge from the void. Violence cannot be explained by one variable only, such as ideology or objective reality. Both variables intertwined and justified one another. This article attempts to demonstrate how those variables justify such political violence in Columbia. This article concluded that aside from encouraging violence, an acute structural problem, as demonstrated by inequality or injustice, also provides an ideal condition for the formation of the FARC that embodied Marxism-Leninism ideas. The intertwined Ideology and Structural Problem justifies terror and violence conducted by FARC. Terror and violence are viewed as the only effective tactics in a situation where demobilization and political struggle through peaceful means only produce destruction for them.ABSTRAKDalam melakukan analisis terhadap konflik bersenjata atau bentuk kekerasan politik lain, kekerasan harus dilihat sebagai sesuatu yang tidak datang dari ruang hampa. Kekerasan tidak dapat dijelaskan hanya dengan satu faktor tunggal (ideologi/realitas objektif semata), namun, keduanya saling berkelindan dan memberikan justifikasi satu sama lain. Tulisan ini berusaha untuk menunjukkan bagaimana hal tersebut terjadi di Kolombia. Argumen utama dalam tulisan ini adalah: permasalahan struktural akut seperti ketimpangan dan ketidakadilan selain mendorong kekerasan, juga memberikan kondisi ideal bagi kemunculan kelompok pemberontak FARC yang berideologi Marxisme-Leninisme. Kelindan di antara keduanya menjustifikasi teror dan kekerasan yang dilakukan FARC karena teror dan kekerasan dilihat sebagai satu-satunya taktik yang efektif dalam situasi di mana demobilisasi dan perjuangan politik melalui cara-cara damai (pembuatan partai) justru membuat mereka dimusnahkan.]]>
<![CDATA[Exploring Youth Political Participation: K-Pop Fan Activism in Indonesia and Thailand ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.3
<![CDATA[This paper explores K-pop fans political participation by looking at recent fan activism that happened in Indonesia and Thailand. Since the US fans participation in BLM campaign and ‘sabotaging’ of Trump’s Tulsa campaign rally, the K-pop fans community has made headlines on mainstream media as part of contemporary political discourse. Similar situation is also encountered in Southeast Asia where Korean popular culture has been consumed for decades and has large following. K-pop fans in Indonesia and Thailand have participated in various forms of activism supporting humanitarian causes through donations, criticizing new laws, or protesting against the government. Focusing on four key areas of analysis: the intersection between cultural and civic/political participation, the tension between participation and resistance, affect and collective identity, and impacts; this paper aims to explain how fandom may act as a powerful force that bridges cultural consumption and political participation amongst youths in the era of media convergence.]]>
<![CDATA[Mewujudkan Pemerataan Pendidikan: CLC di Perbatasan Indonesia-Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 2, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2022.002.02.4
<![CDATA[The complexity of border studies is a reflection of the socio-political realities that exist in border areas. Most of the time border areas are synonymous with conflict and militarization. But at the same time, cooperation between various international actors in the border area is also taking place. One example is the collaboration between three actors (Government of Indonesia, Government of Malaysia, and Palm Oil Plantation Company) in the Indonesia-Malaysia border area in North Kalimantan Province-Sabah State to establish and run a Community Learning Center (CLC) program as an effort to overcome limitations of access to education for children of Indonesian migrant workers in palm oil plantations in Sabah. The existence of a Community Learning Center (CLC) is a form of alignment of interests between actors in the case of fulfilling the right to education for the children of Indonesian migrant workers in the State of Sabah. CLC as a form of cross-border cooperation is possible when the interests of the Government of Indonesia, the Government of Malaysia and palm oil plantation companies in the State of Sabah are aligned. The interest of the Indonesian government is to provide access to education for Indonesian citizens (WNI) residing in the State of Sabah, Malaysia. The interest of the Malaysian government is to maintain sovereignty within the regulatory authorities within its territory, in this case concerning population administration, While palm oil companies interest is to maintain its business sustainability by abiding to the rules of both countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Strengthened Common Security and Regional Interdependence in European Union: From Brexit to Covid-19 Pandemic ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 2, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2022.002.01.4
<![CDATA[The results of Brexit referendum have led to a differentiation in terms of decisions and responds between leaders in the European Union about the future of this regional organization. As a result, the European Union was divided into two groups which is “more Europe” and “less Europe” as it hinders in reaching consensus regarding the formulations of a policy in the European Union. This research uses the theory of Interdependence and common security to analyze European Union’s responds to Brexit and COVID-19 where the compilation of the analysis’ results was carried out using qualitative methods and an explanatory approach. In fact, the COVID-19 Pandemic brought a negative impact in many fields that can destabilize not only member countries, but also regional security in Europe. The results of this research indicate that the European Union, which was heading towards disintegration due to Brexit, was able to set aside fragmented national interests by increasing interdependence to achieve common security in the European Union due to the COVID-19 Pandemic. This interdependence is proven by holding meetings and a common viewpoint on the threat of Covid-19, so that policy formulation can be carried out comprehensively and responsively.]]>
<![CDATA[The Path to Democracy? Foreign Aid Post-Military Coup in Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.4
<![CDATA[Aid has transformed into a promising tool of policy to spread, gain, or maintain power and influence internationally. One of the common aid institutions keeps actively promoting and pushing norms and values of democracy internationally in the United States through USAID. Upon that, one of the recipient countries to receive USAID programs in Myanmar. USAID has been focusing on and pushing democratization to occur in Myanmar and creating supporting programs to respond to the 2015 election, increasing the number of aids after the majority win of the NLD Party in the 2015 election. However, after the military coup successfully seized the government on February 1, 2021, USAID decided to shift its programs to support the civil society movement and strengthen democracy in Myanmar. Within this paper, there will be explanations of how USAID's programs after the military coup occurred in Myanmar, and why it matters to the United States not fully to halt their programs and aids of USAID. This paper will also show how USAID programs and aid to Myanmar before the coup. ]]>
<![CDATA[Layu Sebelum Berkembang: Studi Kasus Kerjasama Sister City Malang dengan Fuqing dalam Komoditas Kedelai ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.01.4
<![CDATA[The purpose of this paper is to determine the factors that have stopped the Sister City cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity. Fulfilling the need for imported soybeans is important for Malang, because it is well-known for its many ‘Keripik Tempe’ producers or commonly called ‘IKM Tempe’, so that the potential for Fuqing imported soybean is important to be realized. The study used a qualitative descriptive method, and used the Paradiplomacy Concept and the Sister City Concept in explaining the cooperation between Malang City and Fuqing City. The results obtained were the cooperation between sister city Malang City and Fuqing City in the field of soybean commodity which ‘failed’ because soybeans from Fuqing were of lower quality than soybeans imported from United States and had large production losses, so that the IKM Tempe in Malang preferred to use imported United States soybeans and stopped the use of imported Fuqing soybeans. Until now, the two city governments have not been heard meeting to discuss this issue, which makes the city government as a sub-state actor not yet having a strong commitment to this cooperation.]]>
<![CDATA[Menggali Kontribusi dari Diaspora: Studi tentang Diaspora India di UEA ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 2, No 2 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2022.002.02.3
<![CDATA[India is currently one of the countries that is showing massive economic growth, even according to Goldman Sachs projections in 2050 India will be in the third position as the country with the largest economy in the world. Economic growth is certainly supported by various sectors, one of which is a large workforce base which is then channeled through migration activities which eventually form a diaspora known as Non-recident Indians (NRIs) and Person of Indian Origin (PIO) with a total number of 30,995 .729 inhabitants and spread in 210 countries in the world. The United Arab Emirates (UAE) is the main destination country of migration for NRIs and PIOs after the United States and Pakistan, based on existing data the number of NRIs and PIOs in the UAE in 2017 was 3,500,000. The Indian government then used NRIs and PIOs in the UAE to make a significant contribution to India's development as country of origin including remittances and foreign direct investment (FDI).Keywords: India and UAE, Indian Development, UEA Development, Remittances, Foreign Direct Investment (FDI).]]>
<![CDATA[E-Commerce Boom and Consumer Culture amidst COVID-19 Pandemic: Delineating Indonesia’s Purchasing Pattern ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 2, No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2022.002.01.5
<![CDATA[Global trade transformation and technological advancement drive business sector into another level we have never imagined and alter people’s daily lifestyle. However, with the occurrence of global pandemic, the world is forced to make a few steps backwards as the economy in most countries see a downturn. Surprisingly, e-commerce set a new adoption of business pattern and lifestyle, and even pushes consumerism to leap forward as people comply with stay-at-home measures. COVID-19 crisis has indeed caused a structural shift towards digital commerce, but the cultural impact is just as powerful.This study would like to delineate particular cases of e-commerce and retail development in Indonesia through mapping consumers’ purchasing pattern as well as current challenges for both people and businesses.The findings suggest that culture can affect business in terms of segments, choices based on latest trends and common belief. In Indonesian case, segmentation is shifting from travel to home-based activities and interest. Yet, preferences on specific trends and lifestyle remain unchanged, for example, younger generation inclination to products of Korean popular culture and products with halal certification. This pinpoints that consumer behaviour and cultural background have to be seriously taken into account for businesses to develop. Albeit it is crucial for business players to turn their attention to this, government has to be able to encourage the growth of the overall landscape by providing an ease into business environment through physical and digital infrastructure assistance in order to create competitive and inclusive milieu in this digital economy era. Keyword(s): e-commerce, business, culture, purchasing pattern, COVID-19 pandemic.]]>
<![CDATA[Questioning Joko Widodo’s Global Maritime Fulcrum: Change and Overlap Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Focus Vol 1, No 2 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Universitas Brawijaya ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jgf.2021.001.02.5
<![CDATA[The Global Maritime Fulcrum is a strategy chosen by President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), declared in 2014, consisting of 7 pillars. This program has been running for three years since Presidential Regulation Number 16 of 2017 concerning the Indonesian Maritime Policy mainly focuses on domestic pillars such as the Sea Highway. This policy did not last long when President Jokowi entered his second term to focus on the vision of Indonesia Maju, which emphasized Indonesia's position as a developing country. Using Rumelt's right strategic approach and bad strategy and changes and continuity in foreign policy, the author tries to find the extent to which the implementation of Indonesian Marine policy can become Indonesia's central foreign policy? This research found, among other things: 1) Indonesian Marine Policy authorities overlap, even though there is no clear multi-sectoral scope of work between agencies. 2) The focus on domestic needs only makes the Indonesian Maritime Policy rely on the Sea Highway as the primary focus so that it is not oriented towards an outward-looking and long-term vision. 3) The lack of commitment of President Jokowi's administration in executing the points in the Presidential Regulation. The study concludes that President Jokowi completely changed Indonesia's Maritime Policy strategy in his second term.]]>
