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Towards a Deliberative Conflict Resolution? A Reflection on State Inclusive Response to Sunni-Shi’a Tension in Indonesia’s Democracy Amal, M Khusna
QIJIS Vol 8, No 2 (2020)
Publisher : IAIN Kudus

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21043/qijis.v8i2.7146

Abstract

Most studies on the Sunni-Shi'a conflict concentrates on the failed peaceful resolution due to the state’s discrimination against the minority religious groups in Indonesia. However, these studies overlook other spectrums of the progressive role of the state agencies in religious conflict resolution. This paper examines the state engagement in the peaceful resolution of religious conflict through an inclusive policy-making. A case study of the Sunni-Shi’a conflict 2016 in Bondowoso (East Java) showed that the local government is committed and has an inclusive policy to protect or strengthen civil rights, especially for groups that are crucial to the quality of democracy. Based on Carson and Hartz-Karp’s theoretical framework, this paper shows that the local government policy has represented a model of limited deliberative conflict resolution. Although this policy was a product of public openness and willingness to hold a discussion, negotiation, and to compromise, the decision made was still exclusionary to the involvement of the Shi’a minority group.
TOLERANCE WITHOUT LIBERALISM: The Local Nahdlatul Ulama and Intolerance Politics in Contemporary East Java, Indonesia Amal, M Khusna; Saat, Norshahril
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 16 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : UIN Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2021.16.02.189-211

Abstract

There has been a rising Islamic fundamentalism, and intolerance cases in contemporary Indonesia. The fundamentalism problem in Indonesia particularly points to the Wahhābi for its puritanical ideology as the root of the intolerance cases. This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its responses towards the Wahhābi group. Being the forefront for the struggle against fundamentalist Muslim groups in post-New Order Indonesia, this article argues that NU adopts an intolerant approach in dealing with Wahhābi groups and their Islamic dakwah (preaching) activism. Taking a close look at a local branch of NU in Jember, East Java, the organisation’s approach is indeed ambiguous. On the one hand, NU calls for religious moderation, pluralism, and anti-violence approaches, but on the other hand, it also violates the principle of pluralism and democracy and is prone to authoritarianism for banning the Wahabi group’s rights to establish their educational institution in Jember. Based on a series of field research, this article contributes to the complexities of NU’s responses towards religious pluralism and the limits of the NU’s tolerance in contemporary Indonesia.
Gerakan Sosial Kaum Santri Melawan Rencana Penambangan di Paseban Amal, M Khusna
Jurnal Review Politik Vol. 8 No. 1 (2018): June
Publisher : Fakultas Ushuluddin dan Filsafat UIN Sunan Ampel Surabaya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (685.183 KB) | DOI: 10.15642/jrp.2018.8.1.%p

Abstract

This paper examines the involvement of santri in protesting against the government's policy on the exploration of iron sand mines in Paseban, Jember. Unlike previous studies that tended to saw protest as a form of group struggle and/or sosial class oriented to gain (in a materialistic sense), the protests movements supported by santri activists were not that simple. The study has shown that the protests by the santri in fact have a pluralistic goals, including a counter to government policies that are considered more pro-capitalists, protect the fate of the grassroots community from the impact of mining, and maintain coastal ecological sustainability. Another interesting finding is that santri use religion in their protest not merely as a theological weapon, but rather as a source of ethics, morals and spirit of resistance. Of course, this fact can corrects the commodification theory which always sees the use of religion by agencies in relation to the struggle to accumulate capital