Norshahril Saat
Department of Political and Social Change, Australian National University (ANU)

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The Impact of Non-Violent Muslim Extremism: Reflections on Indonesia and Malaysia Saat, Norshahril
Muslim Politics Review Vol. 2 No. 1 (2023)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Internasional Indonesia (UIII)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56529/mpr.v2i1.141

Abstract

Numerous pieces of research have addressed the issue of terrorism and radicalism in Southeast Asia, and security studies are inundated with works covering its origin, function, and impact. However, this article argues that equal attention should be given to non-violent extremism and its impact on societies at the discursive level. By examining case studies from Indonesia and Malaysia, two Muslim-majority nations, this article contends that the question is not whether non-violent extremism directly or indirectly leads to terrorism, but how it can also shape policies and regulations through lobbying, trigger mass political mobilization, and nurture intolerance and hatred towards minority groups.
TOLERANCE WITHOUT LIBERALISM: The Local Nahdlatul Ulama and Intolerance Politics in Contemporary East Java, Indonesia Amal, M Khusna; Saat, Norshahril
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 16 No 02 (2021)
Publisher : UIN Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2021.16.02.189-211

Abstract

There has been a rising Islamic fundamentalism, and intolerance cases in contemporary Indonesia. The fundamentalism problem in Indonesia particularly points to the Wahhābi for its puritanical ideology as the root of the intolerance cases. This article aims to analyse Indonesia’s largest Muslim organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) and its responses towards the Wahhābi group. Being the forefront for the struggle against fundamentalist Muslim groups in post-New Order Indonesia, this article argues that NU adopts an intolerant approach in dealing with Wahhābi groups and their Islamic dakwah (preaching) activism. Taking a close look at a local branch of NU in Jember, East Java, the organisation’s approach is indeed ambiguous. On the one hand, NU calls for religious moderation, pluralism, and anti-violence approaches, but on the other hand, it also violates the principle of pluralism and democracy and is prone to authoritarianism for banning the Wahabi group’s rights to establish their educational institution in Jember. Based on a series of field research, this article contributes to the complexities of NU’s responses towards religious pluralism and the limits of the NU’s tolerance in contemporary Indonesia.
The Ulama, Thought-styles, and the Islamic State Debate in Contemporary Malaysia Saat, Norshahril
Studia Islamika Vol. 21 No. 1 (2014): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v21i1.878

Abstract

During the 1980s Islamic resurgence in Malaysia, the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS) championed the formation of an Islamic state, while the ruling United Malays National Organization (UMNO) retained its Malay/nationalist and secular ideology. However, in the run up to the 2008 general elections, PAS revealed its manifesto as Negara Berkebajikan Malaysia, or ‘benevolent’ state, and retained it for the 2013 elections. Conversely, some quarters within UMNO called for the implementation of shariah law. Has PAS become more moderate than UMNO? This article discusses the common threads underlying both parties’ views of the Islamic state. By examining the personal writings, publications, and religious sermons of the dominant ulama (religious scholars) of both parties, this study seeks to illuminate their attitudes towards Islam in general, and towards the idea of Islamic state in particular.DOI: 10.15408/sdi.v21i1.878
Managing Islam In Singapore: A Strong And Resilient State Saat, Norshahril
Studia Islamika Vol. 29 No. 2 (2022): Studia Islamika
Publisher : Center for Study of Islam and Society (PPIM) Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.36712/sdi.v29i2.25215

Abstract

The Malay-Muslim community makes up about 13.4 per cent of the 5.6 million Singapore population. The relationship between the community and the state has been amicable, although there were instances of tension. Since the 1970s, it has undergone what observers portray as an Islamic resurgence. Drawing from Fukuyama’s state capacity paradigm, the Singapore state, led by the People’s Action Party (PAP) government, can be considered a strong state. The notion of ‘strong’ here does not necessarily mean illiberal or authoritarian state—as political observers represent it to be—but can also mean ‘effective’. This article examines Singapore’s effectiveness in managing state-Malay community relations particularly on issues of security and religiosity. It argues that the state’s strength does not derive from the use of hard power or legislations, but from its flexibility and deep knowledge of when, what and how to intervene. It concludes with a discourse on how the state deals with challenges to its strength in more recent political science framework about weakening the state or the end of power.