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Ellydar Chaidir
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Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice

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Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Tentang Pemilu Serentak Terhadap Pencalonan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden Pada Pemilihan Umum Tahun 2019 Ellydar Chaidir; Suparto Suparto
UIR Law Review Vol. 1 No. 1 (2017): UIR Law Review
Publisher : UIR Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (9.106 KB) | DOI: 10.25299/ulr.2017.1.01.561

Abstract

Proyeksi pengaturan pencalonan pasangan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden pada pemilu tahun 2019 (pemilu serentak) berdasarkan pengalaman dan undang-undang yang pernah digunakan dalam pilpres secara langsung ada beberapa alternatif yaitu ; 1). Semua partai politik yang lulus verifikasi dan ditetapkan sebagai peserta pemilu legislatif berhak mengusulkan pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden artinya tanpa adanya ambang batas pencalonan (presidential threshold) 2). Memberlakukan ambang batas pencalonan (presidential threshold) dengan beberapa varian yaitu Pasangan calon Presiden dan Wakil Presiden diusulkan oleh partai politik atau gabungan partai politik yang memperoleh ; a). Sekurang-kurangnya 20% kursi di DPR atau 25% suara sah nasional. b). Sekurang-kurangnya 15% kursi di DPR atau 20% suara sah nasional c). Sekurang-kurangnya 3% kursi di DPR atau 5% suara sah nasional. d). Memperoleh kursi di DPR atau presidential threshold sama dengan parliamentary threshold. Kata kunci: Pemilihan Umum, Presidential Threshold, Parliamentary Threshold ABSTRACT Regulation on President and Vice President candidacy in the general elections of 2019 (simultaneous elections) has several alternatives; 1). All the political parties that pass the verification procedures and have rights to enter legislative are is entitled to propose candidates for President and Vice President, which means without any presidential threshold 2). Impose presidential threshold with some variants namely Candidate Pair of President and Vice President shall be nominated by a political party or coalition of political parties that gain; a). At least 20% of the seats in the House of Representatives or 25% of the valid votes nationwide. b). At least 15% of the seats in the House of Representatives or 20% of the valid votes nationwide c). At least 3% of the seats in the House of Representatives or 5% of the valid votes nationwide. d). Gain seats in the House of Representatives or presidential threshold is equal with parliamentary threshold. Keywords: General Election, Presidential Threshold, Parliamentary Threshold
Perlunya Pengawasan Terhadap Kode Etik Dan Perilaku Hakim Konstitusi Dalam Rangka Menjaga Martabat Dan Kehormatannya: The Need For Supervision On Constitutional Court Judges’ Code Of Ethics & Behavior In Order To Uphold Their Dignity And Honor Ellydar Chaidir; Suparto Suparto
UIR Law Review Vol. 1 No. 2 (2017): UIR Law Review
Publisher : UIR Press

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (9.106 KB) | DOI: 10.25299/uirlrev.2017.1.02.951

Abstract

In the beginning, the external supervision on Constitutional Court Judges’ ethics and behavior was conducted by Judicial Commission. That was in accordance with the stipulation in Law No. 22 of 2004 and Law No. 4 of 2004. Yet the activity of supervision itself has yet to be conducted, due to Constitutional Court Ruling No. 005/PUU-IV/2006, which stated that Constitutional Court Judges are not subject to Judicial Commission’s supervision. Hence, the supervision was conducted internally by Constitutional Court itself. After the issuance of Government Regulation in Lieu of Law (“PERPU”) No. 1 of 2013 on Second Amendment to Law No. 24 of 2003 (Law No. 4 of 2014), the authority of external supervision was once again being held by Judicial Commission. But with Constitutional Court Ruling No. 1-2/PUU-XII/2014, the PERPU was once again being canceled. Hence, the supervision on the judges is conducted internally via the Board of Ethics of the Constitutional Court. In the future, Constitutional Court Judges must be supervised by external body, but without violating their independency as judges. Yet, since Constitutional Court as the interpreter of Constitution once interpret the scope of “judges” in article 24B (1) of 1945 Constitution are limited to the Judge and Supreme Court Justice (Not including Constitutional Court Judge), to be able to conduct an external supervision to them, a revision on article 24B (1) of 1945 Constitution needs to be conducted.
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