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Post-Feminitas: Teknologi Sebagai Basis Keadilan Gender (Teknopolitik dan Masa Depan Relasi Gender) Sadari Sadari
Intizar Vol 22 No 1 (2016): Intizar
Publisher : Pusat Penelitian dan Penerbitan Lembaga Penelitian dan Pengabdian kepada Masyarakat Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Fatah Palembang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.19109/intizar.v22i1.547

Abstract

Kesetaraan gender yang kian hari semakin melemah, dengan kecanggihan teknologi dapat bangkit kembali untuk memberikan peran dan porsi kerja yang sama antara laki-laki dan perempuan baik dalam wilayah domistik maupun publik. Keterbatasan seorang perempuan dibandingkan laki-laki tidak lagi menjadi kendala, seorang perempuan di dalam eksoskeleton bisa 1.000 kali lebih perkasa dibandingkan seorang laki-laki. Untuk itulah perlu adanya pemberdayaan gender berbasis teknologi dengan melakukan penyusunan anggaran bagi semua lapisan masyarakat (laki-laki dan perempuan) menerima manfaat dan memiliki akses yang sama terhadap anggaran tersebut untuk mampu mengaplikasikan teknologi. Penyusunan anggaran responsif gender berbasis teknologi ini mempunyai pandangan dan pemahaman yang sama akan arti, manfaat dan pentingnya kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. Mengingat bahwa kesinambungan sangat penting dalam pencapaian kesetaraan dan keadilan gender, maka analisis gender dalam berbagai kebijakan dan program berbasis teknologi perlu dilanjutkan dan ditingkatkan. Berbagai kendala yang dihadapi dalam pelaksanaan adalah komitmen para penentu kebijakan baik di lingkungan eksekutif, legislatif dan yudikatif, minimnya pakar analisis gender karena kurangnya alokasi dana untuk peningkatan kapasitas, dan terbatasnya data terpilah berdasar jenis kelamin, perlu mendapat perhatian secara seksama agar pelaksanaan strategi dapat berjalan secara efektif dan berkesinambungan di masa yang akan datang. Gender equality has weakened, technology has to be bounced back to give the same role and the work portion between men and women both in the domestic and public area. Limitations of a woman than men are no longer become an obstacle; a woman inside the exoskeletons could be 1,000 times more powerful than a man. for this reason, the need for the promotion of gender based technology by perform budget formulation, so all levels of society (male and female) receive benefits and have equal access to the budget for being able to apply the technology. Gender responsive budget formulation based on this technology has a view and a common understanding of the meaning, benefits and importance of gender equality and justice. Considering that continuity is very important in the achievement of gender equality, the gender analysis in a variety of technology-based policies and programs need to be continued and enhanced. Various obstacles encountered in the implementation is the commitment of policy makers both within the executive, legislative and judicial branches of government, lack of gender analysis expert due to lack of funds allocation for capacity building, and the lack of data disaggregated by sex, need attention thoroughly in order to implement the strategy may run effective and sustainable in the future.
Quo Vadis Hukum Keluarga Islam dalam KHI dan Upaya Desakralisasi untuk Relevansi Seiring Modernitas dan Keindonesiaan Sadari Sadari
JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA Vol 5, No 1 (2015)
Publisher : JURNAL INDO-ISLAMIKA

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.15408/idi.v5i1.14788

Abstract

This article reveals the fact that in Islamic Family Law, there are a number of anomalies and crisis, for instance, Islamic Law Compilation (KHI) on polygamy and mixed-religion marriage which contains discrimination and intolerance. This, however, is caused by its enforcement bound by civil law and merely to theMoslem communities. The article introduces the nationalization and internationalization of Islamic family law in the KHI, thus eliminating discrimination and intolerance. This will be sought by creating coherence between KHI and modernity issues such as: Human Rights, democracy, civil society, nation state and constitutionalism in the effort to desacralization. When added with the term desacralization, it will mean to liberate people from superstitious constraints (mythology) in some aspects, yet reserving the sacralization, not undermining or abandoning religious orientation in the norms and values of society, especially in the Islamic Family Law. Understanding this fundamental, desacralization of Islamic family law is, hence, Quo Vadis Islamic Family Law, that will eventually create progressive Islamic Family Law consistent with modernity and Indonesian ideology
Agama dan Negara Menakar Pandangan HTI tentang Khilafah dan Demokrasi Sadari Sadari
Jurnal Kajian Islam Interdisipliner Vol. 1 No. 1 (2016)
Publisher : Sunan Kalijaga State Islamic University Yogyakarta, Indonesia.

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/jkii.v1i1.1059

Abstract

Persoalan yang kerap kali menjadi pembicaraan di kalangan para pemikir muslim adalah terkait hubungan antara agama dan negara. Persoalan ini sering menimbulkan kontroversi sehingga masalah ini terkesan belum tuntas terjawab.Untuk itulah, artikel ini mengetengahkan hubungan Agama dan Negara dalam pandangan Hizbut Tahir Indonesia (HTI), terkait khilafah dan demokrasi.Perdebatan khilafah dan demokrasi terjadi antaraAzyumardi Azra dengan M. Ismail Yusanto. Azyumardi Azra menulis di Kompas dengan judul “Relevansi Khilafah di Indonesia”, menyarankan supaya HTI untuk lebih realistis dengan cara berdemokrasi  yakni membentuk parpol modern dan bertarung di panggung perpolitikan Indonesia. Menurut Azyumardi Azra kelayakan (viability) gagasan khilafah dalam konteks Indonesia modern memang pantas dipertanyakan. Gagasan itu lebih merupakan romantisme masa lalu yang tidak relevan dengan realitas zaman sekarang. Sudah barang tentu HTI sulit menerima sanggahan ini sebagaimana terlihat dalam tanggapan juru bicara HTI, M. Ismail Yusanto yang balik mempertanyakan kelayakan argumentasi Azyumardi terutama pemahamannya atas QS: 2/30. Sebagai sejarawan, Azyumardi mendasarkan argumentasinya pada bukti-bukti historis pelaksanaan konsep khilafah sepanjang sejarah, sementara Yusanto berpijak pada landasan normatif. Perbedaan pijakan inilah sesungguhnya yang menjadikan pemahaman mereka atas konsep khilafah tidak bisa bertemu. Penalaran normatif yang kontroversial oleh Yusanto dan keengganan Azymardiuntuk sedikit keluar dari “rumah sejarah” nya telah membuat isu khilafah semakin sulit diposisikan dalam prioritas daftar “pekerjaan rumah” umat Islam Indonesia. Bagi Yusanto dan simpatisan HTI, isu ini dianggap demikian krusial.Sementara bagi Azymardi ini tak lebih dari sekedar romantisme yang tak perlu diperpanjang. Pernyataan Yusanto bahwa menegakkan khilafah adalah perintah Allah dan Nabi masih mambingungkan. Apakah yang dimaksud khilafah itu adalah system pemerintahan yang mengacu pada Negara Madinah abad ke-7 M ataukah kepemimpinan secara umum, belum ditegaskan. Akibatnya, Azyumardi denganfeeling historisnya memahami bahwa khilafah yang dimaksud adalah sistem pemerintahan Negara Madinah, sementara Yusanto bersikap mendua.Pernyataannya mengarah pada sistem pemerintahan tetapi bukti normatif yang dipakainya menunjukkan khilafah dalam pemaknaan kepemimpinan secara umum.[Religion and state become an interesting topic among Muslim intellectuals. This topic often causes controversy so that this problem has not been completely solved. For that reason, this article explores the relationship between religion and state in the view of Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) about caliphate and democracy. The debate on caliphate and democracy occurs between Azyumardi Azra and M. Ismail Yusanto. Azyumardi Azra wrote on Kompas “the relevance of caliphate in Indonesia”. In his article, he suggested HTI be more realistic in the way of democracy to form a modern political party to be involved in the world of Indonesian politics. According to Azyumardi Azra, the viability of the idea of the caliphate in modern Indonesia context is really should be questioned. This idea is more likely to be romanticism of the past which is not relevant to the present days. Surely, HTI would not just accept this refutation as the spokesman of HTI, M. Ismail Yusanto, responded and questioned the argumentation of Azyumardi especially his understanding about QS: 2/30. As a historian, Azyumardi bases his argument on historical proof throughout the implementation of the caliphate in history. Meanwhile, Yusanto only bases on the normative foundation. This difference in footing makes their understanding of the concept of the caliphate cannot be met. The normative and controversial understanding by Yusanto and the reluctance of Azyumardi to just think a bit outside his “historical house” have made the caliphate issue difficult to be placed on the priority list of Indonesian Muslim “homework”. To Yusanto and HTI followers, this issue is so crucial. While to Azyumardi this is no more than just romanticism that need not be extended. Yusanto’s statement, that upholding Khilafah is the command of Allah and the Prophet, is still confusing. Whether caliphate is the system of government that refers to the Medina State.]
Reorientasi Nilai-nilai Kepemimpinan Lembaga Pendidikan Islam Muhammadiyah di Indonesia Sadari Sadari; Robiatul Adawiyyah; Nurhidayat Nurhidayat; Ummah Karimah
Tamaddun Vol 3, No 1 (2019): Januari-Juni 2019
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Sjech M. Djamil Djambek Bukittinggi

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (765.688 KB) | DOI: 10.30983/fuaduna.v3i1.2381

Abstract

Muhammadiyah is a community organization engaged in education and is popular in Indonesia. Muhammadiyah has been successful in the local-Javanese scope, as well as at the national level. Muhammadiyah educational institutions spread throughout the territory of Indonesia. But as it went on it turned out to have an impact on the emergence of two texture models of Muhammadiyah educational institutions related to leadership, namely the effective model and what it is. The first model, the institution is supported by a strong leadership style, while the second is the opposite. The article further analyzes how these two distinctions can emerge and what steps are important to prepare with the initial assumption that reliance on the "figure" pattern of leadership alone is relatively insufficient. Muhammadiyah managed to manage its educational institutions anchored in the figures' figures. However, as technology, information, the internet and social media develop, there is a shift in orientation patterns. Talking about Muhammadiyah means being oriented towards progress, civilization, new discoveries, for that Muhammadiyah must be more careful, so there is no counter-productive that is contrary to its initial spirit. Based on the case of the distinction between the leadership of educational institutions between what is effective and what it is, this article explains how that can happen, what factors cover, and what actions are important to immediately prepare Muhammadiyah so that it can survive amid the onslaught of both globalization or even the Indonesian people who increasingly technological literacy.