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Alternative International Relations Perspective: The Case of Humanitarian Intervention David Willis; Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 7, No 1 (2015): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi Dan Keamanan
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v7i1.1775

This article examines three alternative International Relations theories, the English School, both its pluralist and solidarist forms, Marxism and postcolonialsm, and their insights and approaches toward the modern international phenomenon of humanitarian intervention. In particular, it identifies the key analytical tools used by each to understand, explain, and interpret said phenomenon, namely, international society and two separate notions of imperialism. Martin Wight’s famous typology of the three traditions of International Relations: Rationalism, Realism and Revolutionism is used to explore the fundamental differences between the theories. Ultimately, the article identifies that the perspectives’ views on humanitarian intervention are broadly: endorsement on the behalf of English School solidarists and ranging from caution to hostility on the behalf of English School pluralists, Marxists and postcolonialists. The authors concludes in favour of limited support for humanitarian intervention in line with that of the English School pluralists.

Economic Development, Political Stability, and Semi Democracy In Malaysia and Singapore Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Paradigma Vol 16, No 2 (2012): AGUSTUS
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/paradigma.v16i2.2462

Meskipun mencapai tingkat perekonomian yang tinggi, Malaysia dan Singapura merupakan contoh kegagalan teori modernisasi dalam menjelaskan munculnya demokratisasi. Alih menjadi demokratis, kedua negara ini menunjukkan performa rezim semi-demokrasi secara persisten. Dengan menggunakan literature semi-demokrasi, artikel singkat ini ingin menunjukkan karakter dasar rezim semi demokrasi di Malaysia dan Singapura. Artikel ini berpendapat bahwa di kedua negara tersebut, semi demokrasi merupakan rezim yang by design. Mencontoh model Malaysia dan Singapura, saat ini model rezim semi demokrasi by-design telah menjadi salah satu alterntif pilihan untuk mengembangkan rezim politik di beberapa negara.

Community-Driven Development, Collective Action and Empowerment: Effective Communication Matters (A Lesson from the KDP and the UPP in Indonesia) Aryanta Nugraha
The Indonesian Journal of Communication Studies Vol 3, No 2 (2010)
Publisher : Department of Communication Studies, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/ijcs.v3i2.1344

Community-driven development (CDD) has become the most important strategy of the World Bank’s development assistance for poverty alleviation. It supported propositions that more Participatory element in community-driven development would allow development process more inclusive to poor people, enhancing social cohesion based on trust and social capital and bring about collective action that considered necessary to solve poverty problem. This paper attempts to ex- plore the impacts of CDD to collective action and empowerment particularly in the context of Kecamatan Development Program (KDP) and Urban Poverty Project (UPP). Drawing literature study as supporting evidence, it argues that collective action and empowerment emerged from the KDP and the UPP has not achieved the substantial level to address poverty problem because there are inherent problems in the participatory development design and various social challenges. This paper, therefore, suggests that effective communication is needed in community development as it will enhance the community ownership feeling to the development rather than considering them- selves as solely the beneficiaries of the community development process

Moderate Islam as New Identity in Indonesian Foreign Policy: Between Global Role Aspiration and Co-Religious Solidarity Aryanta Nugraha
JICSA : Journal of Islamic Civilization in Southeast Asian Vol 1 No 1 (2012)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.24252/jicsa.v1i1.712

President SBY’s statement that Indonesia is “a country where democracy, Islam and modernity go hand in hand” has underpinned new identity in Indonesia’s foreign policy as a Moderate Islam country. Despite often claim to be the world’s largest community of Muslim, this is the first time Islam in terms of moderate, entered in glossary of Indonesia’s foreign policy as formative factor. While in preivious era Islam was insignificant and played less substantial role in Indonesia’s foreign policy, this paper seeks to scrutinise why is the moderate Islam openly articulated as part of Indonesia’s national identity? What are the purposes of the new foreign policy project in regard to the domestic tension at home and in relations with other Islamic countries and the rest of the world? This paper argues that the democratic moderate Islam identity is important in two ways. First, it is a part of the struggle to mainstreaming the moderate view in the continuing “intra-clash” among the radical and moderate Islam in Indonesia. Secondly, the new identity is put in place to aspire bigger role if not a leadership in international affairs by selling the model of democracy-moderate Islam nexus. The efficacy of this new identity, however will depend on the ability to manage the tension and conflict at home and abroad without fall into blinded coreligionist solidarity interest.

Crisis of Democracy in Thailand and the Network of Monarchy Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Paradigma Vol 16, No 1 (2012): JANUARI
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/paradigma.v16i1.2452

Artikel ini bermaksud untuk menjawab dua pertanyaan; mengapa terjadi krisis demokrasi di Thailand dan siapa sebenarnya pemenang dari krisis demokrasi tersebut. Dengan mempertimbangkan semakin pentingnya kehadiran kelompok yang sering disebut sebagai Network of Monarchy, artikel ini beragumen bahwa krisis demokrasi di Thailand sangat terkait dengan persaingan politik antara kubu pro-Thaksin dengan kubu anti-Thaksin yang disponsori oleh kalangan Network oh Monarchy. Kompetisi politik tersebut tidak hanya terjadi pada tingkat elit, tetapi berubah menjadi keresahan politik dan kerusuhan social yang melibatkan pertentangan antar kelompok masyarakat yang dicirikan oleh penggunaan warna kaos yang berbeda (clash of colored shirts). Meski akhirnya Thaksin berhasil diturunkan, artikel ini berpendapat bahwa kemenangan sementara kubu Network of Monarchy ini tidak akan berpengaruh banyak bagi stabilitas dan kepastian demokrasi di Thailand, apabila kerangka pengaturan demokrasi pasca Thaksin gagal melibatkan partisipasi masyarakat di tingkat akar rumput. Terlebih lagi, pemerintah demokratik juga harus mampu mengatasi persoalan ketimpangan ekonomi, terutama di wilayah utara.

Neo-Eurasianism in Russian Foreign Policy: Echoes from the Past or Compromise with the Future? Aryanta Nugraha
Global Strategis Vol. 9 No. 1 (2015): Global Strategis
Publisher : Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair

With its growing geopolitical inclination, Russian foreign policy has beenconsidered as a resurgence of Eurasianism (Neo-Eurasianism).Notwithstanding its strong geopolitical sense, Eurasianism is multifacetedconcept. It is often associated with philosophical thinking, cultural andpolitical doctrines which changed over time and yet full of contradictions. Thisarticle seeks to find out the influence of Neo-Eurasianism in Russian foreignpolicy. Tracing back the idea of Eurasianism from historical perspective andemploying Graham Smith classification on school of Eurasianism, this articleargues that the rise of Neo-Eurasianism in Russia is driven by the needs todefine and strengthen the spheres of influences. It is mainly motivated byethnocentric sentiments to expand the sphere of influences across the border as a safeguard and protection. Neo-Eurasianism compromises building aforeign policy consensus based on political culture and national awareness.

DEMOCRATISATION MOVEMENT AND OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATISATION IN SINGAPORE AND MALAYSIA Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 1, No 1 (2011): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v1i1.9390

This article analyses and compares the strenghts and the weaknesses of democratic movements in Singapore and Malaysia. It also hihglights the obstacles of democratisation in both countries. The question that put forward is, why the democratic movements in both countries are weak, unenthusiastic, relatively fragmented. Using Eva Bellin's concept -contingent of democrats, this article argues that the weakness of democratic movements in both countries are influenced by the nature of capitalist development that dominated or at least sponsored by the state. The higher degree of the social classes to the state will be followed by the hihger degree of the fearness of these social class towards the state. It eventually resulted in the lower degree of enthusiastic political activisms from the relevant social classes towards democracy. In overall, the democratic opening in Singapore and Malaysia require structural transformation in the pattern of relations between states and the social classes

GLOBAL GOVERNANCE AND THE STATE: ASSESING THE ROLE OF THE STATE IN GLOBALISATION Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 2, No 1 (2010): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v2i1.9391

Global governance is seen as a new mechanism to manage global neighbourhood and to mitigate global problems by involving all stake holders (states and non-states actors) of global politics. One of the key questions that has been debated is whether global governance challenges the sovereignty of the state. This paper is trying to explore the impact of global governance on the role of the state. It argues that the force of globalisation pushes the states to reconfigure their national policy autonomy and enhance capacity to promote domestic interest. The state power is not completely in decline but it is reconfigured toward different role that match to globalization challenge toward a new role as a regulatory power. Keywords: global governance, state

EAST ASIA REGIONALISM AFTER THE GLOBAL FINANCIAL CRISIS Aryanta Nugraha
Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan Vol 5, No 1 (2013): Jurnal Studi Diplomasi dan Keamanan
Publisher : Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Internasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/jsdk.v5i1.9392

Competing analyses has debated the prospect of East Asia regionalism in the post-Global Financial Crisis. After a decade of dynamic regionalism and community-buildingambition, Asia economy seems to have decoupled from the global economy and formedan autonomous economic zone. It is at least indicated by the rise of intra-trade intensityin East Asia. Exploring the impact of the global financial crisis to the effort of establishingEast Asia regionalism, this paper argues that although the global financial crisis presentsa new opportunity for deepening the cooperation, the East Asia regionalism only achievesa slight progress. Rather than economic reasons, the origin and development of EastAsia regionalism has been mostly driven by political motivation in order to balance theinfluence among the big powers. As the result, this regionalism has been trapped intopolitical dilemma. Therefore, the regional policy responses to address the global financialcrisis indicate the progress of East Asia regionalism has been meager.

Why did Indonesia Fail to Build its First Nuclear Power Plant in Muria, Jepara? Nugraha, Aryanta
Jurnal Paradigma Vol 27, No 2 (2023): July 2023
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik UPN "Veteran" Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.31315/paradigma.v27i2.10203

In order to achieve net zero emission and national energy resilience BAPETEN has announced that the Indonesian government plans to build a new nuclear power plant by 2039. While the new plans to build a new nuclear power plant by 2039 remains to be seen, this article aims at revisiting the question of why did Indonesia, under President Yudhoyono administration fail to build its first nuclear power plant in Muria, Jepara. This article argues the failure to build the first nuclear power plant was caused by strong resistance to the nuclear power plant from the civil society movements due to the lack of trust towards the government in handling the risks of nuclear. Hence, any plans to build nuclear power plant in Indonesia in the future should address attentions to public trust regarding the risks of the using of nuclear energy.

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