Articles
<![CDATA[Dilema Demokrasi Liberal: Hambatan Normatif, Institusional dan Praktikal dalam Pemberlakuan Kuota Perempuan di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Azizah, Nur]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2013): Oktober ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Jurnal Hubungan Internasional ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0040.184-197
<![CDATA[Political reform in 1998 Indonesia brought an inclusive participation to all people. One of its significant outcomes was the establishment of women quota that tried to accommodate womenâs aspirations in Indonesian democratic system, particularly in the parliament. This policy had been legalized in the constitution article 65 UU 12 2003 about General Election of the House of Representative which then finalized in 2008. However, this quota mechanism has many barriers in its implementation such as from Mahkamah Konstitusi that decided to change the instrument for elected candidate which based not on the consecutive number, so the quota system was complicated to put into practice. This article tries to explain why the performance of women quota was ineffective. To address the problems, analysis of this article based on feminist perspective with critical discourse of analysis (CDA). The study will be conducted on three levels namely normative level, institutional level, and practical level.]]>
<![CDATA[The Paradoxical Impact of Globalisation on Women’s Political Representation: A Review of Situations In Southeast Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[AZIZAH, NUR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 1 (2015): February 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The representation of women in a political system is a good test of its claims to democracy. Although there are some progress, the level of women political representation in Southeast Asian countries is still low. Women activists propose the adoption of gender quotas as a fast track to address this issue, but the implementation find many obstacles. This article base of my research which want to examine the impact of globalisation for women’s political representation in Southeast Asian countries. The discussion begin with the overview of women’s political representation issue and some theoretical framewoks for adressing that issue. It identified that globalisation has positive and negative impacts on women’s representation. On the one hand, it encourages the emergence of a global gender equality regime which influences pattern of women’s political representation among Southeast Asian countries. Yet, on theotherhand, itpromotes neo-liberalism ideology which is “inherently oppose to policy interventionismâ€and it also promotes liberal democratic practices, which oppose affirmative policy for women, included gender quota in parliament.We concludes that the paradoxical impact of globalisation causes progress for increasing women’s representation in Southeast Asian countries move slowly. The efforts for increasing women’s representation in some Southeast Asian countries have not been supported by governments’ “intervention†policies such as gender quota and social welfare policies. Southeast Asian countries are also trapped in a liberal democracy practice which promotes ‘one person one vote’ (equality of opportunity). Thus, the opposition to affirmative action (equality of result) is so high. Although some Southeast Asian countries have women quota articles, the implementation has been undermined so far.KEYWORDS: Globalisation Impact, Women, Political Representation,Southeast Asia]]>
<![CDATA[The Paradoxical Impact of Globalisation on Women’s Political Representation: A Review of Situations In Southeast Asia ]]>
<![CDATA[NUR AZIZAH]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 6, No 1 (2015): February 2015 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2015.0004
<![CDATA[The representation of women in a political system is a good test of its claims to democracy. Although there are some progress, the level of women political representation in Southeast Asian countries is still low. Women activists propose the adoption of gender quotas as a fast track to address this issue, but the implementation find many obstacles. This article base of my research which want to examine the impact of globalisation for women’s political representation in Southeast Asian countries. The discussion begin with the overview of women’s political representation issue and some theoretical framewoks for adressing that issue. It identified that globalisation has positive and negative impacts on women’s representation. On the one hand, it encourages the emergence of a global gender equality regime which influences pattern of women’s political representation among Southeast Asian countries. Yet, on theotherhand, itpromotes neo-liberalism ideology which is “inherently oppose to policy interventionism”and it also promotes liberal democratic practices, which oppose affirmative policy for women, included gender quota in parliament.We concludes that the paradoxical impact of globalisation causes progress for increasing women’s representation in Southeast Asian countries move slowly. The efforts for increasing women’s representation in some Southeast Asian countries have not been supported by governments’ “intervention” policies such as gender quota and social welfare policies. Southeast Asian countries are also trapped in a liberal democracy practice which promotes ‘one person one vote’ (equality of opportunity). Thus, the opposition to affirmative action (equality of result) is so high. Although some Southeast Asian countries have women quota articles, the implementation has been undermined so far.KEYWORDS: Globalisation Impact, Women, Political Representation,Southeast Asia]]>
<![CDATA[‘Velvet Triangles’ in Women, Peace and Security Agenda in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhammad Ammar Hidayahtulloh]]>;
<![CDATA[Lintang Cahya Perwita]]>;
<![CDATA[Ali Maksum]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 10, No 1 (2021) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v10i1.12223
<![CDATA[Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security (WPS Agenda) has been recognized as a landmark in the history of global efforts to maintain international peace and security by centering women on the agenda. Indonesia has shown its commitment to WPS Agenda by adopting its first National Action Plan (NAP) in 2014. On top of that, Indonesia is also committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in the UN peacekeeping missions. This research aims to examine how WPS Agenda as a global normative framework diffuses and is internalized in Indonesia. This research employed a feminist institutionalist approach and a qualitative method. Using the concept of ‘velvet triangles’ by Alison Woodward (2004) as our theoretical framework, we argue that the triangular network of velvet actors—consisting of feminist bureaucrats, civil society organizations’ activists, and gender experts—plays a critical role in making a considerably important space for the diffusion of WPS Agenda within Indonesia’s domestic politics and foreign policy debates. In concluding the article, we propose two considerations taking into account the formal and informal arrangement of the velvet constellation and the transnational scale of the network’s actors to provide a more nuanced conceptual definition of velvet triangles.]]>
<![CDATA[Toward Political Changes: Transnational Advocacy Network for Gendercide Issue in the People’s Republic of China ]]>
<![CDATA[Ndaru Rizqa Amalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 8, No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.81146
<![CDATA[This article examines the activism process in the People’s Republic of China-(PRC) by substantial local civil state actors and local Non Governmental Organizations (NGOs) in eradicating the custom of gendercide. Gendercide, which determines as gender-based genocide was getting worse after the adoption of the One-Child Policy in 1970s. Thus, this research tries to explain Chinese NGOs advocacy process in building the Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) to deliver the case of gendercide in the PRC using the ‘Boomerang Pattern’. Besides analyzing the role of local NGOs, the authors also examine the United Nations (UN) and the European Parliament, hand in hand with the United States (US) as the state actor which involves in the advocacy process. The finding of this research are: 1) Domestic NGOs have carried out numerous actions against the Chinese government by filling the lawsuit of forced abortion to the court and protection by giving a safe house for pregnant women; 2) TANs is created when the domestic NGOs build a network with other INGOs to advocate this gender-based genocide in the PRC; 3) INGOs force the United States, the UN and the member in European Parliament to response the PRC’s government by giving a condemn. As a result, these advocacy works can affect the gendercide policy though influencing the Chinese government’s process of decision making. The policy changed into ‘two-child policy’ from ‘one-child policy’.Keywords: gendercide, transnational advocacy networks, People’s Republic of China.]]>
<![CDATA[Dilema Demokrasi Liberal: Hambatan Normatif, Institusional dan Praktikal dalam Pemberlakuan Kuota Perempuan di Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 2, No 2 (2014) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/hi.2013.0040.184-197
<![CDATA[Political reform in 1998 Indonesia brought an inclusive participation to all people. One of its significant outcomes was the establishment of women quota that tried to accommodate women’s aspirations in Indonesian democratic system, particularly in the parliament. This policy had been legalized in the constitution article 65 UU 12 2003 about General Election of the House of Representative which then finalized in 2008. However, this quota mechanism has many barriers in its implementation such as from Mahkamah Konstitusi that decided to change the instrument for elected candidate which based not on the consecutive number, so the quota system was complicated to put into practice. This article tries to explain why the performance of women quota was ineffective. To address the problems, analysis of this article based on feminist perspective with critical discourse of analysis (CDA). The study will be conducted on three levels namely normative level, institutional level, and practical level.]]>
<![CDATA[Krisis Rohingya Di United Nations Security Council : Analisis Politik Biroktatik ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 2 No 2 (2018): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v2i2.48
<![CDATA[Abstrak Serangan 27 Agustus 2017 yang dilakukan oleh Pemerintah Myanmar melalui militer yang dibantu oleh umat Buddha pribumi telah menjadi salah satu gelombang terburuk dari ledakan krisis, dengan bukti bahwa militer telah melakukan kejahatan terhadap kemanusiaan. Militer melakukan kekerasan, massa pembunuhan, pemerkosaan disertai dengan kekerasan seksual, serta pembakaran massal properti yang dimiliki oleh Rohingya. Sebagai lembaga yang berfungsi sebagai garda depan dalam memberikan aksi terhadap pemeliharaan keamanan dan perdamaian dunia, UNSC diharapkan untuk menyelidiki kasus ini dan memberikan kebijakan yang tegas, baik dalam bentuk sanksi atau merekomendasikan agenda ini di ICC. Sayangnya, kebijakan perusahaan yang diharapkan tidak terjadi dengan stagnasi diskusi tentang krisis di UNSC. Dalam studi ini, penulis mencoba untuk menjelaskan apa alasan di balik perjuangan UNSC untuk menghasilkan kebijakan perusahaan di forum. Kata kunci: Rohingya, Krisis Myanmar, Proses Pengambilan Keputusan, UNSC]]>
<![CDATA[Peran European Women’s Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) dalam Mengkonstruksi Regime Kesetaraan Gender di Uni Eropa ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ Indonesian Journal of International Relations Vol 3 No 1 (2019): INDONESIAN JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Indonesian Association for International Relations ]]>
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DOI: 10.32787/ijir.v3i1.87
<![CDATA[Keberhasilan Uni Eropa dalam mewujudkan tingkat kesetaraan gender yang tinggi, kemampuannya dalam menginisiasi kebijakan-kebijakan inovatif yang ramah terhadap perempuan, dan kepeloporannya dalam menyebarluaskan norma kesetaraan gender ke berbagai kawasan, merupakan hal yang menarik untuk diteliti. Keberhasilan ini merupakan sebuah “best practice” yang dapat menginspirasi kawasan-kawasan lainnya. Siapa aktor yang berperan dibalik keberhasilan ini ? Artikel ini akan menjelaskan tentang peran European Women’s Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) dalam mengkonstruksi regime kesetaraan gender di Uni Eropa. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif, dengan studi literatur menggunakan data sekunder. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa advokasi yang dilakukan secara gencar dan terus menerus oleh European Women’s TANs telah berhasil mengkonstruksi regime gender yang efektif di Eropa sehingga mampu menghasilkan kebijakan-kebijakan yang ramah terhadap perempuan dan mewujudkan tingkat kesetaraan gender yang tinggi.]]>
<![CDATA[DISKURSUS MANAJEMEN KONFLIK BERBASIS ORGANISASI KEMASYARAKATANPERKOTAAN DI YOGYAKARTA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ali Maksum]]>;
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>
<![CDATA[ SPEKTA (Jurnal Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat : Teknologi dan Aplikasi) Vol. 1 No. 1 (2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Ahmad Dahlan ]]>
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DOI: 10.12928/spekta.v1i1.2640
<![CDATA[This article discusses the results of advocacy on conflict management based on urban community organizations, especially the organization 'Aisyiyah, Wirobrajan Branch, Yogyakarta City. This is important considering that the trend of conflict between religious organizations in Yogyakarta City shows serious concerns. This is because in a survey conducted in 2016, the conflict index for the City of Yogyakarta had the highest score, namely 1.4 compared to the other four districts. Thus, this dedication becomes important so that it is expected to reduce the level of conflict within the organization as an effort to self-retraint (restraint) in the Social Constructivism Theory initiated by Alexander Wendt. In this study, the authors conducted a survey which was divided into two periods, namely pre-test before mentoring and post-test after mentoring. As a result, an interesting trend emerged, namely an increase in understanding of governance before and after the material. The ability to internalize conflict management is influenced by several factors, one of which is urban locations that tend to have open discourses and attitudes in society]]>
<![CDATA[The Increasing Number of Female Troops in Indonesia’s Peacekeeping Operations: Why Women’s Presence Matters? ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Azizah]]>;
<![CDATA[Hadidah Sallimi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ainun Dwiyanti]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Islamic World and Politics Vol 6, No 1 (2022): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jiwp.v6i1.13509
<![CDATA[This study aims to shed some light on why Indonesia is committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. The analysis of this research used a framework theory of Stephen D. Krasner’s international regime (1980) and the concept of gender mainstreaming. This study analyzed secondary data with a qualitative method and literature research. UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on Women, Peace and Security adopted in 2000 states that gender equality and the full participation of women as active agents in peace and security are necessary. It is driven by the disproportionate impact of armed conflict on women and girls, causing a state of insecurity. In this regard, Indonesia as an active member of the United Nations, is also committed to continuously increasing the participation of female personnel in these operations. The research findings revealed that the ratification of the UN Security Council Resolution 1325 by Indonesia is the main reason why the Indonesian Government is fully committed to increasing the number of female peacekeepers in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations. Resolution 1325, as an international regime, encourages Indonesia to adopt the values of equality and gender mainstreaming, which has implications for the behavior and policies issued by the Indonesian Government, particularly in the UN Peacekeeping Operations. This research also discovered that the number of Indonesian female peacekeepers has been steadily increasing since 2008. Indonesian troops, especially female peacekeepers, have a successful record in peacekeeping missions, as they, along with male peacekeepers, were also awarded service medals for their participation in the MINUSCA operation in August 2021.]]>
