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The Influence of Positivism and Empirism in The Enforcement of Islamic Inheritance Law in Indonesia Zaman, Jamrud Qomaruz; Sholeh, Achmad Khudori; Fadil, Fadil; Salam, Nor; Binti Ros Azman, Aina Sofea
Susbtantive Justice International Journal of Law Vol 7 No 1 (2024): Substantive Justice International Journal of Law
Publisher : Faculty of Law, Universitas Muslim Indonesia, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.56087/substantivejustice.v7i1.267

Abstract

Positivism and empiricism are modern paradigms become the basic guidelines for the schools of legal philosophy, namely legal positivism and legal realism. However, the current condition in Indonesia is dominated by the paradigm of legal positivism so that everything must be by written law. The practice of inheritance division that is always based on the concept of 2:1 as in the Compilation of Islamic Law is felt to be incompatible with community justice. The purpose of this research is to enrich the study of the positivism and empiricism paradigms as a renewal of Islamic inheritance law in Indonesia. The benefit of this research is to inform that the integration of positivism and empiricism in law will produce competent law enforcement. This research is a normative research with a conceptual approach and data sources in the form of literature and data analysis techniques, namely evaluation. The results of this research are; (1) The factor that causes judges in Indonesia to use the judicial restraint approach excessively as a characteristic of legal positivism is the legal culture of the application of the civil law legal system. (2) The solution to the problem offered is to borrow Fazlur Rahman's double movement theory, namely historical contextualisation by taking universal values from the norm. Therefore, it is time for judges to be free to move to realize moral justice within the limits set by the Constitution and the Law on Judicial Power.
NEGOTIATING THE RULE OF LAW AND HUMAN RIGHTS IN INTERFAITH MARRIAGE REGISTRATION IN CONTEMPORARY INDONESIA Salam, Nor; Zaman, Jamrud Qomaruz
Epistemé: Jurnal Pengembangan Ilmu Keislaman Vol 19 No 01 (2024)
Publisher : UIN Sayyid Ali Rahmatullah Tulungagung, Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.21274/epis.2024.19.01.117-145

Abstract

The Supreme Court Circular Letter Number 2 of 2023, which prohibits the registration of interfaith marriages in Indonesia, aims to provide legal clarity following longstanding debates fueled by the abstract nature of existing norms. While the circular seeks to enforce uniformity in marriage regulations, it raises concerns regarding human rights, especially the rights to freedom, equality, and the pursuit of happiness, which are central to democratic governance. This article seeks to examine interfaith marriage registration by utilizing normative and human rights perspectives to explore its legal foundations and implications within Indonesia’s modern context. The analysis highlights tensions between national law and international human rights conventions, suggesting that interfaith marriage registration should be recognized as a legal right that upholds citizens’ freedoms, religious autonomy, and equality before the law. By situating interfaith marriage within Indonesia’s framework of Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), legal statutes, and human rights conventions, this article highlights the importance of balancing legal uniformity with the protection of individual rights in a democratic, constitutional state.
JUDICIAL INTERPRETATION CHALLENGES IN IMPLEMENTING CHILD PROTECTION RIGHTS OUTSIDE OF MARRIAGE: A STUDY OF THE RELIGIOUS COURT OF MALANG REGENCY Zaman, Jamrud Qomaruz; Rouf, Abd.; Samudin, Siti Aisyah binti; Saifullah, Ainan Husnaa binti Muhammad
istinbath Vol. 24 No. 1 (2025): June
Publisher : Universitas Islam Negeri Mataram

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20414/ijhi.v24i1.777

Abstract

Constitutional Court Decision No. 46/PUU-VIII/2010 is classified as a positive legislator decision and is not followed up by lawmakers, making it difficult to apply, especially the interpretation of the phrases ‘children born outside marriage’ and ‘civil relations’. The purpose of this study is to examine the judges' interpretation model of children outside marriage and their civil rights in Constitutional Court Decision No. 46/PUU-VIII/2010 with the indicators of François Gény’s legal contextualization theory. This research is mixed research with legislative, legal philosophy, and sociology approaches. The data analysis technique used is descriptive-analytical. The result of this research is that the phrase “children born out of wedlock” in Constitutional Court Decision No. 46/PUU-VIII/2010 is often understood differently by the panel of judges, some of whom limit it only to children born out of siri marriage as guided by Islamic law. However, some also extend it to children born of adultery on the grounds of children's human rights. Although ideally, both of the judges' reasoning is by François Gény's theory of legal contextualization, in reality, the narrowing of the meaning to children from siri marriages is closer to the truth due to the context of the applicant's status as a siri marriage and the contextualization of Indonesian society today which is always religious. Therefore, the phrase “children born out of wedlock” in Constitutional Court Decision No. 46/PUU-VIII/2010 must be interpreted narrowly to children from siri marriages.
Kebijakan Politis Presiden Soeharto untuk Melanggengkan Kekuasaannya Zaman, Jamrud Qomaruz
LoroNG: Media Pengkajian Sosial Budaya Vol 8 No 2 (2019)
Publisher : Lembaga Kajian, Penelitian dan Pengembangan Mahasiswa Universitas Islam Negeri Maulana Malik Ibrahim Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.1234/lorong.v8i2.938

Abstract

Indonesia is a democratic country that highly values the interests of its people. Therefore, authoritarian actions and absolute power by a leader do not show democratic values. Nevertheless, Indonesia has been recorded in its history to be led by an authoritarian and longstanding president, President Soekarno and President Suharto. Suharto was in power the longest between the two presidents, approximately 30 years (1968-1998). One of Suharto’s leadership hallmarks that distinguished him from other presidential leaderships was the formation of the ABRI Dwi Function doctrine. With the Dwi Function ABRI formation, Suharto intended to make it his prominent supporter in politics. The application of the dual function of ABRI has another motive to strengthen Suharto’s power during his presidency by making the party with the tremendous potential to overthrow him be subtly removed or made into an ally, namely the military. The policies to maintain his power, among others, were realized by giving the post of general to someone who was not capable, purging leftists (PKI), restricting the press, acting harshly on demonstrators, and attracting the sympathy of the Islamic group to be used. Negara Indonesia merupakan negara demokrasi yang sangat mengagungkan kepentingan rakyatnya. Oleh sebab itu tindakan otoriter dan berkuasa mutlak oleh seorang pemimpin sangat tidak menunjukkan nilai-nilai demokrasi. Walaupun demikian, Indonesia pernah tercatat dalam sejarahnya dipimpin oleh seorang presiden yang otoriter dan berkuasa lama, yakni presiden Soekarno dan presiden Soeharto. Diantara kedua presiden tersebut, Soeharto yang berkuasa paling lama dengan waktu lebih kurang 30 tahun (1968-1998). Salah satu ciri khas dari kepemimpinan Soeharto yang membedakannya dengan kepemimpinan presiden lainnya adalah pembentukan doktrin Dwi Fungsi ABRI. Dengan pembentukan Dwi Fungsi ABRI, Soeharto berniat menjadikannya sebagai pendukung utamanya dalam berpolitik. Penerapan Dwi Fungsi ABRI memiliki motif lain sehingga dapat memperkokoh kekuasaan Soeharto selama menjadi presiden dengan menjadikan pihak yang akan berpotensi besar melengserkannya dapat disingkirkan secara halus atau dijadikan sekutu, yaitu pihak militer. Adapun kebijakan-kebijakan sebagai upaya mempertahankan kekuasaanya tersebut antara lain diwujudkan dengan memberi jabatan jenderal kepada seseorang yang tidak cakap, membersihkan penganut paham kiri (PKI), membatasi pers, bertindak kasar terhadap para demonstran, dan menarik simpati golongan Islam untuk diperalat.