Ardhani, Irfan
Department Of International Relations, Faculty Of Social And Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

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Mainstreaming Human Rights in the Governance of HIV/AIDS Response in Indonesia: A Study of Children with HIV/AIDS in Jakarta and Surakarta PRABANDARI, ATIN; RIMBAWATI, PUTRI RAKHMADHANI NUR; DINARTO, DEDI; ARDHANI, IRFAN; KURNIAWAN, MUHAMMAD DIAZ; IRSADANAR, RAFYOGA JEHAN PRATAMA
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 3 (2018): August 2018
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (545.035 KB)

Abstract

This research aims to compare the advocacy model of Children Living with HIV/AIDS (CLWH) informal-- non-professional and formal--non-professional network, represented by Lentera Anak Surakarta (LAS) and Lentera Anak Pelangi Jakarta (LAP) respectively. The characterization of the network was adapted from Lhawang Ugyel conceptual framework on four types of social network based on their personnel types and formality. Meanwhile, the comparison was made under the metric of 3 advocacy channels; legislation, political and mobilization process. This research found out that LAS informal—non-professional advocacy model reflected a more dominant usage of law and political channel compared to LAP formal—non-professional model since LAS was rising from marginalized society hence they need well lobbying politically and involving in legal drafting. Meanwhile, LAP had shown a more systematic maneuver on the socialization and mobilization channel of advocacy. This was because LAP was formally driven by academia spectrum that could establish methodical movements of CLWH advocacy; thus the engagement with policymaker was less prioritized, even though it was still an essential element of its advocacy.
Haluan Baru Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Perbandingan Diplomasi ‘Middle Power’ Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo Alvian, Rizky Alif; Putri, Ganesh Cintika; Ardhani, Irfan
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2017): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62112

Abstract

This article attempts to identify changes in Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy strategy under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo. This phenomenon is important to be studied because President Yudhoyono and President Widodo proposed different visions of Indonesia’s foreign policy, yet similarly perceived Indonesia’s position as a middle power country. Using border and maritime diplomacy as well as democracy, Islam, and human rights as case studies, this article argues that the strategy of Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy experienced a shift in orientation from—to use Krasner’s terminology—relational power to meta-power. While Indonesia under Yudhoyono previously attempted to gain benefits by following established rules, Indonesia under Widodo tried to pursue its interests by influencing, altering, or crafting rules in international politics.Artikel ini berupaya mengidentifikasi perubahan strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia di bawah Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo. Fenomena ini penting untuk dikaji karena Presiden Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo mengajukan visi yang berbeda mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia, tetapi sama-sama memaknai posisi Indonesia sebagai negara middle power. Dengan menggunakan isu diplomasi perbatasan dan maritim serta demokrasi, Islam, dan hak asasi manusia sebagai studi kasus, artikel ini berargumen bahwa strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia mengalami pergeseran orientasi dari—meminjam terminologi Krasner—relational power menuju meta-power. Apabila Indonesia di bawah Yudhoyono sebelumnya berupaya meraih lebih banyak keuntungan dengan mengikuti aturan main yang mapan, Indonesia di bawah Widodo kini berusaha mencapai kepentingannya dengan cara mempengaruhi, mengubah, atau membangun aturan main dalam politik internasional.
Indonesia and The Criminalization of Illegal, Unregulated, and Unreported Fishing in The Global Level Ardhani, Irfan
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2020): October
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10374

Abstract

The staunch measures taken by President Joko Widodo’s administration in combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing has attracted considerable attention from academia. However, previous studies focused on analyzing law enforcement measures in terms of the sinking-vessel policy. Consequently, they failed to adequately comprehend how Indonesia deals with the problem by criminalizing IUU Fishing at the global level. This article attempts to fill such a gap. Employing the five stages of the historical evolution of a global prohibition regime, introduced by Andreas and Nadelmann (2006), this research investigated the progress of Indonesia’s campaign to criminalize IUU Fishing at the global level and identified some hurdles that Indonesia has to address in fostering the advancement of the criminalization campaign. This article discovered that Indonesia has arrived at the third stage of making the global prohibition regime of TOC in the fisheries industry and has to deal with the hurdles of argumentation weakness and disagreement from several countries.
Mainstreaming Human Rights in the Governance of HIV/AIDS Response in Indonesia: A Study of Children with HIV/AIDS in Jakarta and Surakarta ATIN PRABANDARI; PUTRI RAKHMADHANI NUR RIMBAWATI; DEDI DINARTO; IRFAN ARDHANI; MUHAMMAD DIAZ KURNIAWAN; RAFYOGA JEHAN PRATAMA IRSADANAR
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 3 (2018): August 2018
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.9387

Abstract

This research aims to compare the advocacy model of Children Living with HIV/AIDS (CLWH) informal-- non-professional and formal--non-professional network, represented by Lentera Anak Surakarta (LAS) and Lentera Anak Pelangi Jakarta (LAP) respectively. The characterization of the network was adapted from Lhawang Ugyel conceptual framework on four types of social network based on their personnel types and formality. Meanwhile, the comparison was made under the metric of 3 advocacy channels; legislation, political and mobilization process. This research found out that LAS informal—non-professional advocacy model reflected a more dominant usage of law and political channel compared to LAP formal—non-professional model since LAS was rising from marginalized society hence they need well lobbying politically and involving in legal drafting. Meanwhile, LAP had shown a more systematic maneuver on the socialization and mobilization channel of advocacy. This was because LAP was formally driven by academia spectrum that could establish methodical movements of CLWH advocacy; thus the engagement with policymaker was less prioritized, even though it was still an essential element of its advocacy.
Indonesia and The Criminalization of Illegal, Unregulated, and Unreported Fishing in The Global Level Irfan Ardhani
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 9, No 2 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jhi.v9i2.10374

Abstract

The staunch measures taken by President Joko Widodo’s administration in combating Illegal, Unreported, and Unregulated (IUU) Fishing has attracted considerable attention from academia. However, previous studies focused on analyzing law enforcement measures in terms of the sinking-vessel policy. Consequently, they failed to adequately comprehend how Indonesia deals with the problem by criminalizing IUU Fishing at the global level. This article attempts to fill such a gap. Employing the five stages of the historical evolution of a global prohibition regime, introduced by Andreas and Nadelmann (2006), this research investigated the progress of Indonesia’s campaign to criminalize IUU Fishing at the global level and identified some hurdles that Indonesia has to address in fostering the advancement of the criminalization campaign. This article discovered that Indonesia has arrived at the third stage of making the global prohibition regime of TOC in the fisheries industry and has to deal with the hurdles of argumentation weakness and disagreement from several countries.
Haluan Baru Politik Luar Negeri Indonesia: Perbandingan Diplomasi ‘Middle Power’ Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo Rizky Alif Alvian; Ganesh Cintika Putri; Irfan Ardhani
Jurnal Hubungan Internasional Vol 6, No 2 (2018)
Publisher : Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/hi.62112

Abstract

This article attempts to identify changes in Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy strategy under President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Joko Widodo. This phenomenon is important to be studied because President Yudhoyono and President Widodo proposed different visions of Indonesia’s foreign policy, yet similarly perceived Indonesia’s position as a middle power country. Using border and maritime diplomacy as well as democracy, Islam, and human rights as case studies, this article argues that the strategy of Indonesia’s middle power diplomacy experienced a shift in orientation from—to use Krasner’s terminology—relational power to meta-power. While Indonesia under Yudhoyono previously attempted to gain benefits by following established rules, Indonesia under Widodo tried to pursue its interests by influencing, altering, or crafting rules in international politics.Artikel ini berupaya mengidentifikasi perubahan strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia di bawah Presiden Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo. Fenomena ini penting untuk dikaji karena Presiden Yudhoyono dan Joko Widodo mengajukan visi yang berbeda mengenai politik luar negeri Indonesia, tetapi sama-sama memaknai posisi Indonesia sebagai negara middle power. Dengan menggunakan isu diplomasi perbatasan dan maritim serta demokrasi, Islam, dan hak asasi manusia sebagai studi kasus, artikel ini berargumen bahwa strategi diplomasi middle power Indonesia mengalami pergeseran orientasi dari—meminjam terminologi Krasner—relational power menuju meta-power. Apabila Indonesia di bawah Yudhoyono sebelumnya berupaya meraih lebih banyak keuntungan dengan mengikuti aturan main yang mapan, Indonesia di bawah Widodo kini berusaha mencapai kepentingannya dengan cara mempengaruhi, mengubah, atau membangun aturan main dalam politik internasional.
Middle Powers and The Global Data Governance Irfan Ardhani
Journal of World Trade Studies Vol 6 No 2 (2021): Journal of World Trade Studies
Publisher : Journal of World Trade Studies

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jwts.v6i2.3442

Abstract

Despite the recent rapid increase in data flows across borders, the world has not reached a consensus on how to regulate this issue. Different approaches adopted by governments across the world have made a lot of analysts imagine the future of global data governance pessimistically. Two dominant approaches, data openness and data protectionism, show how different interests of great powers affect the way in which they regulate data flows. The previous literature suggests that during the rising tension between great powers, middle powers may have an opportunity to bridge differences so that the world may reach a consensus upon a specific issue. This paper, in turn, analyses the role of middle powers in advancing the agenda to establish global data governance. Using the framework of pattern of middle powers’ behaviour from Cooper, Higgot, and Nossal (1993), this paper scrutinizes Australia’s role in JSI on E-commerce and Indonesia’s role in G20 to further the process of establishing global data governance. This paper finds that Indonesia shows a more limited role than Australia in spearheading governance of data flows across the globe.
The Politics of Moderate Islam in Indonesia: Between International Pressure and Domestic Contestations Alvian, Rizky Alif; Ardhani, Irfan
Al-Jami'ah: Journal of Islamic Studies Vol 61, No 1 (2023)
Publisher : Al-Jami'ah Research Centre

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14421/ajis.2023.611.19-57

Abstract

This article focuses on understanding how Muslim-majority countries adapt to the discourse of moderate Islam to their political circumstances. Using Indonesia’s experience as a case study, the article argues that countries’ political configurations influence decisions to apply the discourse in domestic politics. In the Indonesian context, political leaders’ unwillingness and inability to confront the Islamists are crucial factors that limited the influence of moderation discourse in former Presidents Megawati’s and Yudhoyono’s reigns. During that period, the presidents used the discourse mainly to signal to the international community that Indonesia did not align itself with the transnational network of terrorism. In contrast with his predecessors, President Widodo is willing to use the discourse to undermine the influence of the Islamists, thereby neutralising their challenges and cementing his political power. Moreover, this article demonstrates that the content of the discourse of moderation is indeterminate. Although the concept is usually associated with positive democratic attitudes, Widodo’s emphasis on support for national unity in his definition of moderation shows that political actors can appropriate the concept and adjust it to their particular political needs. [Tulisan ini berusaha memahami bagaimana negara mayoritas Muslim beradaptasi dengan wacana Islam moderat dalam kehidupan politiknya. Menggunakan pengalaman Indonesia sebagai studi kasus, tulisan ini berpendapat bahwa keputusan untuk menerapkan wacana tersebut dalam politik domestik dipengaruhi oleh konfigurasi politik dalam negeri. Dalam konteks Indonesia, ketidakinginan dan ketidakmampuan para pemimpin politik untuk menghadapi kelompok Islamis adalah faktor krusial yang membatasi pengaruh wacana moderasi di masa kepemimpinan Presiden Megawati dan Yudhoyono. Dalam periode tersebut, kedua presiden menggunakan wacana moderasi utamanya untuk mengirim sinyal kepada komunitas internasional bahwa Indonesia tidak berpihak pada jaringan teroris transnasional. Berbeda dengan pendahulunya, Presiden Widodo memanfaatkan wacana tersebut untuk melemahkan pengaruh kelompok Islamis, dalam rangka menetralisir tantangan dan mengukuhkan kekuatan politiknya. Lebih dari itu, tulisan ini menunjukkan bahwa isi dari wacana moderasi tidaklah pasti. Walaupun konsep tersebut umumnya diasosiasikan dengan sikap demokratik yang positif, penekanan Widodo pada dukungan bagi persatuan bangsa dalam definisi moderasinya menunjukkan bahwa para aktor politik dapat menyesuaikannya dengan kepentingan politik mereka yang spesifik.]
Mainstreaming Human Rights in the Governance of HIV/AIDS Response in Indonesia: A Study of Children with HIV/AIDS in Jakarta and Surakarta Atin Prabandari; Putri Rakhmadhani Nur Rimbawati; Dedi Dinarto; Irfan Ardhani; Muhammad Diaz Kurniawan; Rafyoga Jehan Pratama Irsadanar
Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 3 (2018): August 2018
Publisher : Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.18196/jgp.9387

Abstract

This research aims to compare the advocacy model of Children Living with HIV/AIDS (CLWH) informal-- non-professional and formal--non-professional network, represented by Lentera Anak Surakarta (LAS) and Lentera Anak Pelangi Jakarta (LAP) respectively. The characterization of the network was adapted from Lhawang Ugyel conceptual framework on four types of social network based on their personnel types and formality. Meanwhile, the comparison was made under the metric of 3 advocacy channels; legislation, political and mobilization process. This research found out that LAS informal—non-professional advocacy model reflected a more dominant usage of law and political channel compared to LAP formal—non-professional model since LAS was rising from marginalized society hence they need well lobbying politically and involving in legal drafting. Meanwhile, LAP had shown a more systematic maneuver on the socialization and mobilization channel of advocacy. This was because LAP was formally driven by academia spectrum that could establish methodical movements of CLWH advocacy; thus the engagement with policymaker was less prioritized, even though it was still an essential element of its advocacy.