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The Low Income of Lecturers Sparks a Worsening Crisis Among University Educators A. Junaedi Karso
International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): September : International Journal of Law, Crime and Justice
Publisher : Asosiasi Penelitian dan Pengajar Ilmu Hukum Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62951/ijlcj.v2i3.738

According to Law Number 6 of 2023, which stipulates a maximum of 40 working hours per week, a survey conducted by the Kompas Daily Data Journalism Team reveals that the average working hours of lecturers in Indonesia reach 69.64 hours per week throughout 2024. This data highlights a significant discrepancy between the legal provisions and the reality of lecturers' workloads. Despite the law setting limits, many lecturers at Indonesian state universities are facing workloads that far exceed the stipulated working hours. These workloads consist of teaching responsibilities, research, community service, campus administration, and even side jobs, making it clear that the working conditions for lecturers are far from ideal. Moreover, the low salaries, especially for lecturers in private universities, have severe implications not only on individual welfare but also on the broader educational system. The low income of lecturers contributes to a looming teaching crisis on campus, which will inevitably affect the quality of education and lecturer performance. This crisis is further reflected in public sentiment. Google Trend data shows a sharp increase in searches for the phrase "don't be a lecturer," reaching a peak of 100 at the end of January 2025, indicating a growing disillusionment with the profession. In addition, a staggering 76.5% of lecturers have side jobs outside of their academic duties. The most common side jobs include consulting (32.4%), teaching (18.9%), research (16.2%), and writing (2.7%). A smaller percentage (5.41%) are engaged in informal work, such as being online motorcycle taxi drivers. These figures reveal the heavy burden on lecturers to seek additional income, which ultimately compromises their focus and performance in their primary academic roles.

Corruption KPK Threatened to Not Be Captured Board Of Directors of State-Owned Enterprises A. Junaedi Karso
International Journal of Sociology and Law Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): August : International Journal of Sociology and Law
Publisher : Asosiasi Penelitian dan Pengajar Ilmu Hukum Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62951/ijsl.v2i3.737

The Law on State-Owned Enterprises (BUMN) by the Indonesian House of Representatives on February 4, 2025 has been ratified, and then signed by President Prabowo Subianto on February 24, 2025, destroying the concept of who the state administrators are as regulated in Law Number 28 of 1999 concerning the Implementation of a Clean State Free from Corruption, Collusion, and Nepotism.Law No. 1 of 2025 concerning BUMN, places the directors, commissioners, and supervisors of the state-owned company not as state administrators. This means that the Corruption Eradication Commission or KPK can no longer handle law enforcement in BUMN if corruption occurs, except for the Police, Prosecutor's Office and BPK (supervision), as stated in Article 3X of Law No. 1 of 2025, which states that: "The Agency's organs and employees are not state administrators. It is emphasized again in Article 9G: Members of the Board of Directors, Board of Commissioners, and Supervisory Board of BUMN are not state administrators". Meanwhile, financial supervision is still carried out by the Audit Board as stated in Article 3K: Audit of the management and financial responsibility of the Agency is carried out by the Audit Board. Although in the KPK Law, it is stated in Article 11 paragraph (1) that: "In carrying out the duties as referred to in Article 6 letter e, the Corruption Eradication Commission has the authority to conduct investigations, inquiries, and prosecutions against Corruption Crimes that: a. involve law enforcement officers, State Administrators, and other people related to Corruption Crimes committed by law enforcement officers or State Administrators; and/or b. involve state losses of at least IDR 1,000,000,000.00 (one billion rupiah)".Therefore, the Law Order, the KPK must submit and obey to carry it out, because the Law (UU) functions as a basic or principal rule for organizing the state, regulating society, a tool to limit power, and as a means of social renewal. The Law also functions to regulate life in society, the nation, and the state and is expected to be able to resolve various problems that exist in society.In fact, the impact of corruption in BUMN is no joke. The destruction of economic growth, state and community income can be disrupted which results in direct state losses, but leads to the potential for increasing poverty and the loss of the government's safety net in the form of declining quality of public services and investor confidence in Indonesia, etc.

The Potential Economic Impact of the India-Pakistan Conflict on Indonesia: A Growing Threat to Stability and Growth A. Junaedi Karso
Green Social: International Journal of Law and Civil Affairs Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): September : Green Social: International Journal of Law and Civil Affairs
Publisher : International Forum of Researchers and Lecturers

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.70062/greensocial.v2i3.224

The potential war between India and Pakistan poses significant risks to the Indonesian economy, as it is expected to exacerbate uncertainty in the global financial market. Such geopolitical tensions often trigger a ‘flight to safety,’ where capital flows shift to countries considered stable, leading to reduced foreign direct investment (FDI) in emerging markets like Indonesia. This scenario is likely to place additional pressure on Indonesia’s exchange rate, further destabilizing its financial position. One of the key impacts of the looming India-Pakistan war on Indonesia is its effect on monetary and fiscal management. The Indonesian government is already facing significant challenges, including managing a large amount of maturing debt and grappling with a growing budget deficit. The war would complicate these efforts, making it more difficult for the government to stabilize the economy and implement effective policies. Indonesia’s export sector will also be affected, as India and Pakistan are two of the country’s main trading partners, especially for key commodities like crude palm oil (CPO) and coal. India is Indonesia’s 4th largest export destination, accounting for approximately 9% of total exports, while Pakistan represents around 1.9%. Any disruption in trade with these countries, due to the war or political instability, could significantly hurt Indonesia’s export revenues and negatively affect industries reliant on these markets. Moreover, Indonesia is already facing challenges from the United States, which has imposed reciprocal tariffs worth 32% on Indonesian products. This trade tension, combined with the geopolitical instability from the India-Pakistan conflict, will add further strain to Indonesia’s trade balance. The combination of these factors could lead to slower economic growth, reduced investor confidence, and potentially higher inflation, as the country faces multiple external and internal economic pressures.

US-EU Trade War, Indonesian Exports Threatened to Be Dragged A. Junaedi Karso
International Journal of Law and Society Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): International Journal of Law and Society
Publisher : Asosiasi Penelitian dan Pengajar Ilmu Hukum Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62951/ijls.v2i3.748

The reciprocal tariff policy has a significant impact on a number of countries, including Indonesia. In this scheme, Indonesian non-oil and gas products are subject to a tariff of 32% when entering the US market. Such a high tariff places Indonesian exporters in a less competitive position compared to other countries that have more favorable trade arrangements with the United States. This condition becomes more complex when viewed in the broader context of the US-EU trade war, which creates uncertainty and turbulence in the global economy. Indonesian exports are affected both directly and indirectly. Indirect impacts can be seen from disruptions to the global supply chain, the slowdown in the world economy, and decreased global demand. As global production networks become increasingly interconnected, any disruption in major economies will ultimately suppress demand for Indonesian export commodities. This means that even if Indonesian products are not directly targeted, the ripple effects of global trade tensions will still hinder Indonesia’s export performance. For instance, reduced consumption in Europe and the US due to rising product prices and inflation will diminish market opportunities for Indonesian goods.On the other hand, direct impacts arise because several Indonesian products have been explicitly subjected to tariffs by the US government. These include textiles and textile products (TPT), electronics and their components, footwear, furniture, and palm oil (crude palm oil/CPO). Such tariffs significantly reduce Indonesia’s competitiveness in the US market, potentially leading to decreased export volumes, lower revenues for domestic industries, and job losses in export-oriented sectors. Furthermore, the policy also makes European products much more expensive in the US market, which worsens the global supply chain, increases logistics costs, triggers inflation, and escalates uncertainty in international trade.

TNI Guarding the Prosecutor's Office Considered in Line with Prabowo's Asta Cita A. Junaedi Karso
Dynamics Social : International Journal of Social Sciences and Communication Vol. 1 No. 3 (2025): International Journal of Social Sciences and Communication
Publisher : International Forum of Researchers and Lecturers

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.70062/dynamicssocial.v1i3.228

The deployment of TNI soldiers has sparked controversy due to concerns over the strengthening of militarism in civilian institutions. This action has raised alarm among various human rights groups and political analysts who argue that it undermines the democratic principles of civilian control over military forces. The Attorney General's Office (AGO), the TNI, and the Chief of Police have publicly addressed the issue, especially the deployment of TNI soldiers to guard the AGO Complex, as well as the High Prosecutors' Offices (Kejati) and District Prosecutors' Offices (Kejari) across Indonesia. The order for this deployment was issued in the TNI Commander’s Telegram Number TR/442/2025 on May 6, 2025. This order is part of a broader effort to increase security at critical state institutions, especially in light of recent security threats. The deployment of soldiers is part of a follow-up to the cooperation agreement between the TNI and the AGO, which was formalized in the Memorandum of Understanding NK/6/IV/2023/TNI dated April 6, 2023. The agreement outlines eight points of cooperation, which include: (1) Education and training for TNI personnel in law enforcement procedures; (2) Exchange of information for law enforcement purposes, ensuring better collaboration between the military and civilian law enforcement agencies; (3) The assignment of TNI soldiers to assist in guarding AGO facilities and other law enforcement offices; and (4) Other security-related assistance, such as providing military expertise to ensure the integrity and safety of AGO operations. While the cooperation between the TNI and AGO is framed as an effort to enhance security and operational efficiency, critics argue that this deployment could lead to the militarization of civilian functions, potentially causing conflicts of interest and compromising the impartiality of the judicial system.

Indonesia-Singapore Diplomatic Relations: Exploring His-torical Ties, Economic Cooperation, Security, and Legal Challenges in All Aspects A. Junaedi Karso
International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Reviews Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences Reviews
Publisher : Asosiasi Penelitian dan Pengajar Ilmu Sosial Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62951/ijhs.v2i3.450

The relationship between Indonesia and Singapore has deep historical roots, tracing back to the ancient kingdoms. In the 7th century, the Strait of Singapore was part of the Srivijaya Empire. Later, in 1365, the Javanese hymn Nagarakretagama, written during the Majapahit era, mentioned a settlement on the island called Temasek, highlighting the long-standing connection between the two regions. Trade between Indonesia and Singapore has grown significantly over the years, reaching S$36 billion (US$29.32 billion), with Singapore being the largest foreign investor in Indonesia, having invested US$1.14 billion across 142 projects. Additionally, trade between the two nations surged to approximately $68 billion in 2010, with Indonesia's non-oil and gas exports to Singapore reaching their highest levels. The two countries have established robust cooperation in various sectors, including tourism, security, counter-terrorism, and environmental concerns. However, the relationship is not without its challenges. One significant issue is Singapore's role as a haven for Indonesian corruptors, with many fugitives from corruption cases seeking refuge there. This has led to tensions, particularly regarding the extradition of individuals convicted of corruption. To address these challenges, both nations must enhance the implementation of bilateral agreements, especially in political and security matters. There is a need to accelerate the technical finalization of military training areas as part of the defense cooperation agreement. Additionally, executing the extradition agreement and updating the memorandum of understanding between the Attorneys General of both countries would be crucial steps in addressing these issues and improving bilateral relations. In conclusion, while Indonesia-Singapore relations are multifaceted, with both cooperation and challenges, mutual commitment to resolving issues through diplomatic and legal means will be key to strengthening their ties in the future.

A Series of Strategic Cooperation Towards 100 Years of In-donesia-France Relations A. Junaedi Karso
International Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law Vol. 2 No. 3 (2025): Juli: International Journal of Social Welfare and Family Law
Publisher : Asosiasi Penelitian dan Pengajar Ilmu Sosial Indonesia

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.62951/ijsw.v2i3.449

Macron's visit also commemorated 75 years of diplomatic relations and a decade of strategic partnership between Indonesia and France. This meeting showed how bilateral diplomacy can trigger long-term transformation in various sectors. The partnership is part of extending the diplomatic relations between the two countries, which will be 100 years old in 2050. Indonesia and France are developing strategic partnerships in various important sectors, ranging from defense, technology, agriculture, economy, to culture. Both countries have the same vision of world order. The strategic partnership strengthens their positions in facing global uncertainty with a total of 21 strategic agreements. The forms of cooperation and strategic agreements between Indonesia and France include: 1) Defense sector, for example, the Indonesian Ministry of Defense and the French Ministry of Armed Forces agreed to establish a strategic partnership related to the exchange and joint protection of confidential information in the defense sector, 2) Economic sector, both countries agreed to encourage more balanced trade and investment relations, including: (1). MoU between the National Nutrition Agency and Danone; (2). Danantara and Eramet; (3). Investment Agreement between PT RGE Indonesia and Total Energies; (4). Investment Agreement between PT Citra Bonang Indonesia and Lesaffre; (5). MoU between PT SMI, PT PLN, and HDF; (6). MoU between Bank Indonesia and Banque De France, 3) Indonesia and France agreed to encourage Palestinian independence. This is considered the only way to resolve the long conflict between Palestine and Israel. Humanity must be prioritized in order to realize peace in the region. Two State Solutions" or a two-state solution is the most diplomatic way out for Palestinian independence.

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