Journal of Governance
Journal of Governance (JOG) is published by the Faculty of Social and Political Science Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa collaborate with KAPSIPI (Kesatuan Asosiasi Program Studi Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia) for reviewer, its main aim to spread critical and original analysis from researchers and academic practitioners on various social, political and government issues both local and foreign. The writing is published after undergoing a peer-review process by providing an exclusive analysis on social, political and government issues from various perspectives. JOG provides high-quality studies outcomes and a new thoughts for academic practitioners, researchers, and publics to break down the complexity and dynamics of contemporary socio-political changes. Published twice a year, in June and December. JOG invites researcher, academician, practitioners, and publics to submit their critical writings and to contribute to the development of social and political sciences.
Articles
309 Documents
<![CDATA[Ethical values and the perception of corruption ]]>
<![CDATA[Riccardo. Pelizzo]]>;
<![CDATA[Meirat Omarov]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.5446
<![CDATA[The purpose of the present study is to assess the ethical standards of Indonesian parliamentarians, how they provides Indonesian MPs with proper cognitive guidance, to identify what factors may be responsible for variation in ethical standards and to assess how Indonesia parliamentarians compare to legislators and policy makers from other countries. The methodological approach, employed in each of these studies, to map the ethical preferences of parliamentarians can also be used to explore how the ethical world of Indonesian parliamentarians has changed over time, in addition to replicating the analyses performed in previous studies with a larger sample, the paper explored three sets of questions that previous studies had not addressed. First, we explored what are some of the correlates or some possible causes of individual attitudes; Second, we assessed how the ethical attitudes and standards of respondents shape the way they perceive corruption; Third, we performed a similar analysis with data collected among Kazakhstani civil servants to test whether the perception of corruption is influenced by ethical attitudes also outside Indonesia or not. ]]>
<![CDATA[Democracy and Economic Welfare: An Empirical Analysis ]]>
<![CDATA[Afrimadona Afrimadona]]>;
<![CDATA[Shanti Darmastuti]]>;
<![CDATA[Laode Muhamad Fathun]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.4020
<![CDATA[This article assesses the relationship between democracy and welfare policy. There are substantial variations in the empirical evidence regarding the relationship between these two variables. While some works showed that there is a systematic relationship between democracy and welfare policy, others failed to show that relationship. We argue that we need to look at the internal political variables within these democracies in order to see what factors within those polities that can lead to a more welfare-oriented policy. We further argue that democracies with parliamentary system and proportional representation are more likely to adopt welfare-oriented policy. Using panel data of 32 democracies from 1961 to 2015, we find some empirical supports for our argument.]]>
<![CDATA[Kompetensi Front Office dalam Meningkatkan Pelayanan di Kantor Pelayanan Pajak (KPP) Madya Surabaya ]]>
<![CDATA[Nila Rosawatiningsih]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.5474
<![CDATA[Bureaucratic problems especially in the public services is a big problem that is difficult to resolve. This is also experienced by Indonesia, but various efforts to improve public services have been carried out by focusing on the competence of Human Resources. Activities related to the development of the competency of the State Civil Apparatus (ASN) are clearly regulated in the legislation, however, the development of competencies for the front office in public institutions that are indeed serving as service directors and occupying the front work area has not been clearly regulated. This article highlights the phenomenon that occurred in the Tax Office (KPP) of Surabaya as a mid-level tax office in Surabaya. The existence of high demands from taxpayers in terms of excellent service makes a front office must be qualified. Front office as the front guard has a big responsibility because it reflects the good image of an institution. The purpose of this study is to find out what competencies are owned by the front office of the Surabaya KPP Madya in providing services. In order to achieve the intended goals, researchers use qualitative methods and conduct analysis using the Competency Theory. From the research conducted, researchers obtained results that front office competency was good enough.]]>
<![CDATA[Populism in the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdul Hamid]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.4874
<![CDATA[The 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election was one of the most competitive local elections in Indonesia. This election clearly used religious and ethnic populism strategy that divided Jakarta citizens into two groups: A Muslim Governor’s supporters Vs. Incumbent`s supporters. The root of the Muslim governor’s supporters was the rejection of some Islamic organizations against the rise of Chinese-Christian Incumbent Governor – Basuki Tjahaja Purnama or “Ahok”. This sentiment found a momentum when Ahok was accused of blasphemy against Islam that provoked Muslims furious. Moreover, Anies Baswedan became a successful candidate utilizing the sentiments and used mosques to echo the resistance against non- muslim Governor candidate.]]>
<![CDATA[Arsip Dinamis Mendukung Whole of Government di Perguruan Tinggi ]]>
<![CDATA[Agus Sediadi Tamtanus]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.5321
<![CDATA[One of the Agenda 3 subject material, for participant in basic training of civil servant candidates (CPNS) Group III is Whole of Government (WoG). These CPNS are prospective young lecturers at various universities in Indonesia. The presence of WoG training subject, it is hoped that the prospective young lecturers can quickly actualize the concepts and implementation of WoG concepts in higher education in a policy perspective in Indonesia. Problems faced by Indonesia universities is the website ranking is still low based on Webometrics. The development of a website must have sufficient insight into the concept of Dynamic Archives, the concept of e-Government and the concept of WoG that are interrelated and have an impact. It is because of universities have vision and mission to become World Class University (WCU), and one of efforts to reach that by increasing the international ranking in Webometrics.]]>
<![CDATA[The Steep Road to Institutionalizing Negotiable Governance in the Management of Village Development ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmad Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Hendra Hendra]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhamad Iptidaiyah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 1: (2019) June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i1.5369
<![CDATA[Law No. 6/2014 on Villages becomes the rule of application of negotiable governance in the management of village development. Authority in this domain must be translated as a negotiation space for various stakeholders. Accessibility of public participation in any regular citizenship forum must be guaranteed to be fulfilled by the Village Government, in line with the willingness of this village-scale authoritative institution to create public information transparency. This paper aims to examine the level of institutionalization of negotiable governance in the management of development in Bajo Village, Soromandi Sub-District, Bima District. As qualitative research with a descriptive approach, this research utilized in-depth interviews, observation, document tracking, and document analysis techniques in which a number of village government apparatus and villagers were used as informants to mine the data. The results of this study show that institutionalizing negotiable governance has not been taken seriously because the public participation in regular citizenship forums in Bajo Village is only possible because of "invitation" from the village government alone. The politicization of the public space seems only to be positioned as a mere formality through that "invitation" mechanism. Participatory governance seems to exist, but it is not implemented properly. More than that, the availability of information access is still very limited and relies heavily on the willingness of the village government to provide it to all existing residents. Certain information can only be accessed by the people who have the closest relationship with certain village officials, not villagers in general. The communication media is still limited to the existing formal forum which is believed to remain exclusive because it only involves certain elements of the community, who cannot possibly represent the needs of all groups of society.]]>
<![CDATA[New Paradigm For Strengthening Women's Political Capacity in the Process of Public Policy Processing ]]>
<![CDATA[Nur Istiyan Harun]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 2: (2019) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i2.6526
<![CDATA[This study aims to examine more deeply the problems of women politicians in Gorontalo DPRD in Gorontalo Province in the formulation of public policies and seek to provide a new paradigm for strengthening the capacity of women politicians in the process of formulating public policies as a solution to the problems in intent. Women politicians have not been very much involved in the formulation of policies in the parliament, women politicians only become participants when the formulation of policies regarding women is reached and they become connoisseurs when the policies are passed. This problem arises if we try to compare it dichotomically with the existence of women in a quantitative context that is on average proportional to almost half the regional and national population. This research is a qualitative research, using a case study that is intended to explore in-depth explanations and conduct an analysis of the role of women politicians in Gorontalo District Parliament in the period 2014-2019 in formulating public policies. From the results of the study, researchers found that women politicians in Gorontalo District Parliament were not maximal in formulating public policies. Then through Focussed Group Discussion (FGD), Gorontalo women leaders consisting of academics, politicians, women activists, youth organizations and student organizations formulate a paradigm or model that is considered to be able to maximize the role of women in parliament. The paradigm or model or concept referred to is compiled in the form of recommendations that will be given to each political party and Regency / City DPRD and Provincial DPRD in Gorontalo Province and may be used as a reference in strengthening the capacity of women politicians in Gorontalo in particular and Indonesia in general. The recommendation is the provision of political education, the need for a Gender Analysis Pathway (GAP) and Gender Budget Statement (GBS), there must be regulation and characterization.Keywords: New Paradigm, Strengthening Capacity, Women Politicians, Public Policy]]>
<![CDATA[Multi Stakeholders Partnership in the Sustainable Indonesian Palm Oil Industry: Study Case Multi Stakeholders Partnership FOKSBI ]]>
<![CDATA[Anna Kharisma Fehmita Mubin]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 2: (2019) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i2.6333
<![CDATA[As a major palm oil producer in the world, Indonesia has the duty to improve and upgrade the sustainably operational standards and pro-environment palm oil industry in accordance with the global sustainable development agenda. This is important, considering the strategic economic value of the Indonesian palm oil industry for national development and its potential strength of political economy at the international level. Critics from the international community regarding unsustainable palm oil practices, environmental degradation, deforestation, and the lack of regulation, become motivation for all stakeholders to improve Indonesian palm oil industry in all sectors and to strengthen its position at the global level. In order to move towards the spirit and ideals, the Indonesian palm oil industry adopted a governance model through a multi stakeholder partnership (MSP) FOKSBI and Indonesia Sustainable Palm Oil (ISPO). The way this Governance model provide solutions to problems and challenges of the Indonesian palm oil industry is analyzed by understanding the concept of Multi Stakeholders Partnership. Multi stakeholders partnership is able to figure out a complicated issue in the Indonesian palm oil industry since it has a characteristic of involving various actors such as government, private sectors, civil society, and international organization which can strengthen commitment and modalities of all the stakeholders in achieving common goals. Thus, coordination and sharing burden will be more directed, equal, and in accordance with their respective advantages. This study uses a qualitative method with the MSP FOKSBI case study in the Indonesian palm oil industry. The result of the study indicates that the MSP FOKSBI and ISPO have a significant part in improving the Indonesian palm oil industry, especially the fundamental transformational change towards a sustainable Indonesian palm oil industry.]]>
<![CDATA[Does Good Governance Affect Globalization? A case of Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Md. Monirul Islam]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 2: (2019) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i2.5595
<![CDATA[Development, in part, depends on the institutional quality of a state administration (good governance) to respond to the external affair (globalization). To corroborate it, the study aims to investigate the effect of good governance on globalization by employing both Auto Regressive Distributive Lag (ARDL) and VAR-based Variance Decomposition (VDC) estimation techniques in the context of Bangladesh over the period 1990-2016. In addition, almost similar result is found in this nexus while using both two techniques—ARDL and VDC. The study finds that there appears a co-integration between good governance and globalization in which ‘voice and accountability’ affects globalization significantly both in the long and short run. ‘Political stability and no violence’ has significantly negative impact both in the long and short run. Besides, government effectiveness, rule of law, regulatory quality and control of corruption have no substantial impact on globalization in both long and short run. Therefore, the study suggests taking appropriate policy measures to galvanize the core governance/good governance mechanisms to reach the aspired trajectory of globalization.]]>
<![CDATA[Globalization, Democratization and Political Change in Malaysia (New Media And 2018 Elections) ]]>
<![CDATA[Arizka Warganegara]]>;
<![CDATA[Syarief Makhya]]>;
<![CDATA[Denden Kurnia Drajat]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance Volume 4, Issue 2: (2019) December ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Sultan Ageng Tirtayasa ]]>
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DOI: 10.31506/jog.v4i2.6870
<![CDATA[This is a study about the nexus relations among globalisation, democratisation process and its implication upon the political change in Malaysia. Malaysian internal politics is very dynamics and contentious as well as running based on the ethnic consensus. The result recent Malaysian election has changed the Malaysian political landscape. The 61 years regime of Barisan Nasional (BN) has been defeated by the opposition that led by former Malaysian Prime Minister, Mahathir Mohammad. By applying qualitative library research. The result shows that the globalisation has a direct impact on the Malaysian democratisation progress. It also, therefore, influences on creating a political change in Malaysia. This paper argues that globalisation and democratisation process became a trigger factor of new media development. The non BN-linked government media such as Malaysiakini.com and the Malaysian Insider play a significant role in distributing information related to the corruption scandal of BN elites, notably a corruption scandal of Najib Razak, a former Prime Minister of Malaysia.]]>
