Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan
Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, with registered number ISSN 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN 2502-9320 (Online) is a Peer-reviewed journal published twice a year in April and October by Department of Governmental Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Muhammadiyah University of Makassar in collaboration with Muhammadiyah’s College Association of Governmental Science (AIPPTM) and Asia Pacific Society for Public Affairs. It aims to publish research articles in the field of Politics and Governmental Science and its related issues.
Articles
360 Documents
<![CDATA[Critical Reflections on De-Radicalisation in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Ilyas Mohammed]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3097
<![CDATA[Since 9/11 western and non-western governments have implemented counter-counter terrorism and de-radicalisation programs to “inoculate Muslim populations” and de-radicalise those deemed as radicalised through securitization and “moderate Islam”. The Indonesian government and civil society organizations have attempted to address radicalisation by setting up counter-radicalisation and de-radicalisation programs. This paper will critically reflect on the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. It will first critically discuss the terms radicalisation and de-radicalisation. Then critically assess the Indonesian de-radicalisation programs. In the final section, the author suggests that Indonesia needs to introduce humanitarian activities to make the de-radicalisation programs more effective and overcome labelling and stigmatization. ]]>
<![CDATA[Collaboration of Resources in Task Force for Prevention and Handling Victims of Human Trafficking in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rahmat Hidayat]]>;
<![CDATA[Syamsuddin Syamsuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.2824
<![CDATA[The purpose of this study is to examine the cause of the ineffectiveness of resource collaboration in preventing and handling trafficking victims in West Java Province. This research method is a qualitative study that focuses on human and social problems through primary and secondary data collection. The results of this study indicate that the collaboration of resources in the prevention and handling of victims of trafficking in persons in West Java Province has not been effective. It triggered by the leading sector, problems of coordination of sharing resources, overlapping problems, roles, and resources, political factors, constraints of responsiveness of policymakers, and administrative issues.]]>
<![CDATA[(Retracted) Effects of Party System Fluidity on Legislative Oversight and Good Governance Indicators in Sub-Saharan African ]]>
<![CDATA[Akbikesh Mukhtarova]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2782
<![CDATA[This article has been retracted due to double publication in another journal with the same article. Based on the clarification from the author, that it is true that he has submission and published the same article in another journal. These results were obtained when evaluating similarity checks on a regular basis on published articles. The similarity check results exceed 90 percent.One of the conditions of submission of a paper for publication in this journal is that authors declare explicitly that their work is original and has not appeared in a publication elsewhere. Re-use of any data should be appropriately cited. As such this article represents a severe abuse of the scientific publishing system. The scientific community takes a very strong view on this matter and apologies are offered to readers of the journal that this was not detected during the submission process.]]>
<![CDATA[Malaysia’s Refugee and Asylum-Seeking Children: A Child Rights Perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdullah Khoso]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanafi Hussin]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.4639
<![CDATA[This article has exhibited the child rights framework's relevance while assessing and analysing voiceless Malaysian refugee and asylum-seeking children's status. The secondary data has been segregated, themed and analysed under the child rights framework related to refugee and asylum-seeking children. The article argues that refugees and asylum-seeking children in Malaysia are treated as outsiders and threats to the social fabric; this rhetoric against refugees and asylum-seeking children has shaped Malaysia’s excluded legal and social treatment towards such children. It has also exacerbated the painful and excluded experiences of such children. The article also argues that only frameworks do not bring the desired results if the state constantly thrives on racialised politics. The analysis shows these children are subject to various social, economic, political, legal and normative issues, which have compelled them to live a quite stressful and challenging life. These children's difficult experiences show serious deficiencies and problems in the government structures and functions, which this article believes are the desired outcomes of Malaysia’s legal, political and social approach towards these children. The analysis also indicates that the UNCRC’s child protection systems and mechanisms (and the international community) are also unable to pursue the state to stop it making its independent choices in matters dealing with a vulnerable group of children and recognising them the rights holders rather as threats. The complexities and challenges in implementing such children’s rights also lie in the roles of the two separate mandate holders (i.e. UNHCR and UNICEF).]]>
<![CDATA[Denial of the Rohingya Genocide: Problematising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the Rule of Law in Postcolonial Myanmar ]]>
<![CDATA[Wendell Gleen P Cagape]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.4642
<![CDATA[As the world condemns the genocide, Myanmar and Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s government denied it and refused to accept it and argued that it sanctioned under the rule of law. This paper problematises these questions:, What is the rule of law in Myanmar? And why do they deny it? This study is qualitative in which pages of transcripts of speeches perused to find themes, settings, and meanings attributed to problematising Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the rule of law in post-colonial Myanmar. These speeches delivered in public from 2016-2018. In analysing her speeches, the paper uses Foucauldian Discourse Analysis. On the part of Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, it found that problematising her actions and silence over the Rohingya genocide influenced her late father’s role. She continued to claim that her military father is the father of the Burmese military. She had special relations in incarceration with the army generals during her house arrest. She focused on the democratic transition which she promised in the 2015 election. This study reveals that this rule of law has purely political narratives because the generals are not accountable. This paper subsumes ongoing legal reforms in Myanmar.]]>
<![CDATA[Implementing Ethical Recruitment of Migrant Workers: Evidence from the Palm Oil Sector in Malaysia ]]>
<![CDATA[Andika Wahab]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2931
<![CDATA[Growing allegation of irregularities in the conduct of migrant workers’ recruitment drives global effort to eliminate unethical practices in the migration industry. As part of the international value chain, palm oil companies in Malaysia are expected to implement ethical recruitment practices. This study is an attempt to assess the employers’ commitment and practices in implementing ethical recruitment in Malaysia. Deriving from four palm oil mills (employers) and further validated through a survey conducted against 92 Nepalese workers – this study argues that while employers have committed to cover certain costs of their migrant workers’ recruitment, they lack a clear policy commitment, due diligence and monitoring against the labour recruiters. Consequently, the labour recruiters (including the intermediaries) mainly in Nepal have imposed another set of recruitment costs which already covered by the employers in Malaysia. Alarmingly, the Nepalese workers have paid even a higher cost of recruitment than the cost borne by the employers. For ethical recruitment to be effectively implemented, the employers’ monetary commitment to cover the cost of their workers’ recruitment must be complemented with efforts to engage and monitor the conduct of the labour recruiters in migrant workers’ origin country.]]>
<![CDATA[A Study on Irregular Migration from Bangladesh to Malaysia through the Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea ]]>
<![CDATA[Afzalur Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.4640
<![CDATA[Irregular migration is an issue of great concern for today’s world. There are various factors which are responsible for this conundrum. These are overpopulation, natural disaster, poverty, illiteracy, lack of employment opportunities, for a better life etc. Thus, irregular migration has been a livelihood strategy for the millions of people worldwide for the long time. Bangladesh is one of the top countries of the world in terms of sending labor migrants. Every year thousands of Bangladeshis are migrating overseas either legally or by illegal means for a better livelihood. However, in the last couple of years, total remittance flow was not satisfactory because of the diplomatic tension between Bangladesh and major migrants receiving countries. In addition, the new migrations policies of the Middle-Eastern countries which is the main destination points for Bangladeshi migrants in terms of single regions also have shrunk the scope. As a result, the number of irregular migrations from Bangladesh to Malaysia has increased. This paper attempts to unveil the key causes of irregular migration through the risky Bay of Bengal and the Andaman Sea by analysing the field data. It will focus on the case studies of the trafficking victims and their family members with focusing on why they took this dangerous path of irregular migration. It also argues for an effective mechanism to monitor the whole process of irregular migration from Bangladesh to Malaysia on an urgent basis.]]>
<![CDATA[Forced Migration Governance in Southeast Asian Countries: ‘Same but Different’? ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Riza Nurdin]]>;
<![CDATA[Mala Rajo Sathian]]>;
<![CDATA[Hanafi Hussin]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.4624
<![CDATA[This paper examines the governance of forced migration in Southeast Asia. The region hosts about 2.5 million of forcibly displaced migrants from a worldwide total of 70 million (2018). The migrants include intra- ASEAN and non-ASEAN refugees or asylum seekers, notably from the Middle East. Based on a review of recent literature, the paper investigates three main destination states in SEA that host the majority of the forced migrants; Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand. The paper examines (i) local policies in the governance of forced migrants and (2) the practice of non-refoulement principle. The findings reveal that in terms of forced migration governance, Indonesia, Malaysia, and Thailand are ‘same but different'; meaning that despite being similar, each country produces different outcomes. ]]>
<![CDATA[Migrant Labour Recruitment Reform in Malaysia: Towards Ethical and Zero-Cost Migration ]]>
<![CDATA[Choo Chin, Low]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.4641
<![CDATA[The pressures exerted by migrant workers’ countries of origin, regional calls for migrant protection, and global initiatives have pushed the Malaysian government for labour reforms in line with International Labour Organization standards. A weak labour migration mechanism has led to human trafficking, debt bondage, and workers’ exploitation. Since 2018, Malaysia has concluded and renegotiated improved memoranda of understanding (MoUs) with countries of origin to address forced labour and human-trafficking. Reforming the recruitment system is formalised through government-to-government agreements to eliminate agents, enhance ethical recruitment, and adopt a zero migration-cost model. The analysis shows that the newly negotiated MoUs are significant in tackling the issue of irregular migration in three aspects, by including a clause on repatriation, changing to the government recruitment model, and adopting the employer-pays model. This research utilises official documents, media statements, and secondary literature. ]]>
<![CDATA[An Analysis on Changing Security Policies of Turkey after the July 15th Coup Attempt ]]>
<![CDATA[Niyazi Karabulut]]>;
<![CDATA[Önder Kutlu]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.3213
<![CDATA[Turkey's security policies have been largely a result of its historical and political experiences. The July 15th (2016) coup attempt indicates a turning point in Turkey's security policies as it has been strategically important in shaping the political, structural, and bureaucratic structure of the country. A number of reasons would be mentioned in this account. The failed attempt reiterated the need for making swift reforms in its institutionalization and capacity-building with regard to security priorities. As a result, Turkey has got to make certain reforms on its security strategies and state structure. Elimination of the members and elements of the Fetullahist Terrorist Organization (FETO) initiating the coup attempt have become the first priority at the list. Secondly, dismissal of the personnel from nearly every state and government agency has been the second measure. Finally, certain reforms have been implemented in re-structuring the state, the army, and security organizations alike. This paper aims to present and eventually interpret the changes on the security policies of Turkey after the July 15th coup attempt; then the policies are analyzed through the reports produced by think tank organizations. Among these, the relevant reports of İstanbul Policy Center (IPC) and SETA are examined in order to analyze possible effects of the changes, and a contingency analysis is done through those reports. The main purpose of the study is to analyze how Turkey changed its security policies and what are the concurrent results of these changes. Having done so, this study purposes to reveal pros and cons of the changes together with pertinent solutions and suggestions. Consequently, the findings of Turkey would have the prospect to draw lessons for other nations and systems to learn.]]>
