Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan
Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan, with registered number ISSN 2088-3706 (Print), ISSN 2502-9320 (Online) is a Peer-reviewed journal published twice a year in April and October by Department of Governmental Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Muhammadiyah University of Makassar in collaboration with Muhammadiyah’s College Association of Governmental Science (AIPPTM) and Asia Pacific Society for Public Affairs. It aims to publish research articles in the field of Politics and Governmental Science and its related issues.
Articles
360 Documents
<![CDATA[The Role of ICT in Addressing Corruption Across Political Regimes ]]>
<![CDATA[Mergen Dyussenov]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2019): (April 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (838.591 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1508
<![CDATA[The paper reviews existing literature on the role of the internet in addressing corruption by breaking it down into instrumental, important, and critical roles, across two types of political regimes – (semi-)authoritarian and democracies. It analyzes the key resources and strategies utilized by governments and activists across these regimes, and looks into the common themes that emerge as a result of analyzing literature sources, i.e. the notion of crisis, lack of a single accepted definition of corruption across nations, factors found to positively correlate with reduced corruption, and the evolving nature of the internet. The paper finds that neither regime can be perfectly immune against mass-scale protests caused by dissatisfaction with worsening corruption. However, the regimes differ in the nature of protests, with semi-authoritarian regimes witnessing more violent and aggressive uprisings fueled by long-accumulated social disappointment with previous repressive regimes than across much of democracies.]]>
<![CDATA[Communication Deficit and Monetization of Political Contests at the Electoral Commission of Ghana ]]>
<![CDATA[Shadrack Bentil]]>;
<![CDATA[Edmund Poku Adu]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 1 (2019): (April 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (701.549 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i1.1344
<![CDATA[The current state of the office of the Electoral Commission (EC) of Ghana can be couched as a bleeding pillar in Ghana’s electoral democracy pending crisis. In spite of the numerous reform measures undertaken by the EC to improve the quality delivery of its constitutional mandate, communication deficit and the increasing monetization of parliamentary and presidential contestation poses a serious threat to broader participation and competition in Ghana's future electoral fortune. Thus, the objective of the paper was to interrogate the issues of communication inefficiencies and monetization of political contestations by the Electoral Commission of Ghana and proffer pragmatic solutions that can be taken into consideration in years ahead due to the past and recent experiences of neighbouring countries within the sub-region. The study employed the qualitative research methodology to elicit responses from 12 experts in the field of elections. Apart from the primary data generated from the field, secondary sources were consulted to situate the discussion in the existing debate in the literature. The findings of the study revealed that monetization of the political contest has negative implications for a competitive political contest--disqualification of citizens with capable minds from contesting in a multi-party democracy) whilst communication deficit was found to be deepening public distrust in the Electoral Commission of Ghana. The study, therefore, recommended among others the creation of a three-man office solely responsible for managing the commission's website and other electronic outlets, and the immediate activation and implementation of the provision in the 2020 Strategic Plan of the Electoral Commission which has remained dormant after 2016 elections.]]>
<![CDATA[Actor Participation of Budgeting Policy Process in Banten, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Delly Maulana]]>;
<![CDATA[Endang Larasati]]>;
<![CDATA[Sri Suwitri]]>;
<![CDATA[Kismartini Kismartini]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1059.932 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2068
<![CDATA[In actualizing the Regional Government Budget (APBD) as an instrument for the desired social changes and in accordance to the purpose for decentralization, there needs to be the involvement of the civil society, community groups, and other stakeholders in public management to influence the policy formulation process and policy implementation which could improve public services and public accountability. The purpose of the current study was to describe the process of formulating the budgeting policy and identifying and plotting the participation of a number of actors, both formal actors and informal actors, in the process of formulating the budgeting policy in the Banten Province Regional Government. The research method employed was a qualitative research method using the NVivo 12 Pro software application. A number of the current study’s findings which were related to the budgeting process were clearly linked to the actors’ political relation which would give rise to demands and requests in the form of actvity proposals. This process would also give rise to various compromises and bargaining between the actors involved, including the value system which influences it. Moreover, the process of formulating the budgeting policy in Banten Province Regional Government in 2018, both in planning and budgeting, were done only as a procedure but not yet substantively. Therefore, budgeting policy formulation process needs to prioritize more widespread public participation, especially in discussions and collecting input or information for the government, both directly or indirectly so that a transparent and accountable process is created. ]]>
<![CDATA[China’s Belt and Road Initiative: A Step toward Shared Globalization ]]>
<![CDATA[Imran Ali Sandano]]>;
<![CDATA[Syed Faisal Hyder Shah]]>;
<![CDATA[Irfan Ahmed Shaikh]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (945.408 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2140
<![CDATA[Globalization is facing a major test of sustainability with growing populism and trade protectionism. West, which always endorsed for globalization has left their hands back. ‘America First’ and ‘Brexit’ has changed and challenged the original concept of globalization. China which always remained isolated from globalizations, has started to talk about globalization with its Chinese characteristics - called ‘Shared Globalization’. This study investigates that what kind of characteristics China has applied to get momentum for shared globalization. It is a descriptive study which has taken “One Belt, One Road” (BRI) as case study with the theoretical observation of shared development, shared future, and peaceful coexistence. The study has found that the new trends of shared globalization are emerging in Asia. It has created new opportunities for joint economic cooperation and deeper regional ntegration. The BRI policy framework is providing new drivers to the sustainable economic growth to the BRI counties and would work as a common cause for the world to restore the correct balance of globalization by making it more universally beneficial and inclusive. This study claims that shared globalization is pivotal to Eurasia with the shared attitude of new opportunities that could untangle the regions towards deeper socio-economic integration of shared development toward the community of common destiny.]]>
<![CDATA[Policy Influence of Family Hope Program to Reduce the Poverty in Takalar, Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Nuryanti Mustari]]>;
<![CDATA[Lukman Hakim]]>;
<![CDATA[Erni Erni]]>;
<![CDATA[Maharanny Puspaningrum]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1019.339 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2449
<![CDATA[This article analyze about policy influence of Family Hope Program toward reduce the poverty in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict. The methodology of this research is mix methods that combine quantitative and qualitative approach with questionnaire and interview instrument. The determination of sample in this research uses probability sampling techniques, the category of sample is beneficiary participant of the Family Hope Program but because the spectrum of population is too large so it just takes 80 people and 3 informants. Data collection technique are observation, questionnaire, interview, and documentation. Data analysis technique use regression analysis. Data validity technique are validity and reability testing. The result of this research indicate that policy influence of Family Hope Program in Bontolebang Village, North Galesong Subdistrict went very well. This is based on the average score obtained from statement item amounts 266,9 or 83,41% which indicate that implementation of Family Hope Program occupies on the very good category. Afterwards, this research indicate that policy of Family Hope Program has positive and significant effect on poverty reduction amounts 62,7% and the rest amounts 37,3% caused by other programs from the government.]]>
<![CDATA[The BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order: Objectives, Capabilities, and Limitations ]]>
<![CDATA[Alberto Hoyos Varela]]>;
<![CDATA[Rafael Gustavo Miranda Delgado]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1161.126 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2106
<![CDATA[For the first time in the history of mankind several powers emerge simultaneously in different latitudes and can interact intensively. The Contemporary Global Order has presented significant changes among which highlight the absolute and relative decline of American power, and the emergence of new actors who have greater agency power in their international relations. One of these actors is the so-called BRICS that brings together Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. For this reason the aim of this investigation is to analyzing the effective and potential power of the BRICS in the Contemporary Global Order. The methodology is it is situated inside the analytical eclecticism which is characterized by explaining a certain phenomenon without using a block of explanations sustained in a single tradition, but it takes and re-means the elements that it considers most pertinent for the case study. The article states that the BRICS do not claim or have the capacity to become hegemons. The objectives and capabilities of the BRICS have been especially notable in terms of international political economy, especially in the financial architecture, where China has its greatest power. The BRICS can promote an alternative to the existing game rules in the international system and promote a more plural world. They have the capacity to reform and build international economic institutions that allow a fairer distribution of material resources. They can curb unilateral global power interventions in regional affairs, framing interventions for humanitarian causes within multilateralism and the Responsibility to Protect. In terms of democracy and human rights, they will not make any contribution since their main actors, such as China and Russia, are examples of disrespect for these values.]]>
<![CDATA[How Does Public Service Motivation Contribute to Service Orientation? Testing Mediation Models ]]>
<![CDATA[Wayu Eko Yudiatmaja]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1349.63 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.2180
<![CDATA[Public service motivation is an emerging topic in the study of public administration, but no study has adequately investigated how it affects employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. The present study is ultimately aimed to fill the research gap by examing whether public service motivation influences service orientation and if so, whether the effect is mediated by job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Data were analyzed by using WarpPLS 6.0. Using a sample of 160 public servants in the city government of Tanjungpinang, the results indicate that employee service orientation is directly and positively affected by PSM. In addition, public service motivation also has an indirect impact on employee service orientation through job satisfaction and organizational commitment. Furthermore, the theoretical and practical implications of the study for human resources management in the public sector are discussed.]]>
<![CDATA[The Construction of the Indonesian Government's Repressive Counter-Terrorism Policy ]]>
<![CDATA[Ardli Johan Kusuma]]>;
<![CDATA[Tulus Warsito]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono Surwandono]]>;
<![CDATA[Ali Muhammad]]>;
<![CDATA[Mega Hidayati]]>;
<![CDATA[Muhlis Madani]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 9, No 2 (2019): (October 2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
Full PDF (1247.807 KB)
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v9i2.1845
<![CDATA[The Indonesian government has made a counter-terrorism legal instrument starting in 2001. And the making of counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia was carried out after the 9/11 event. Even though the phenomenon of terrorism that occurred in Indonesia existed before 2001. Even since Indonesia became an independent state, there have been many events that can be classified into the phenomenon of terrorism. But the Indonesian government responded by making legal instruments after 2001. In overcoming terrorism, the Indonesian government prefers a repressive approach. Detachment 88 as a special anti-terrorist force, allegedly has committed many human rights violations. Even in the last 10 years, at least 120 suspected terrorists were killed in the arrest process and 40 people were victims of wrongful arrests. In addition, more than 80% of them were subjected to torture. However, the repressive approach has not been able to reduce the number of terrorist attacks in Indonesia. Therefore, this research seeks to find what factors that influencing the Indonesian government to make repressive counter-terrorism policies in Indonesia. The findings revealed the existence of several factors including the persuasion of the international community, the influence of international norms, and the perception of the Indonesian government in understanding the threat of terrorism which is influenced by past experience.]]>
<![CDATA[Ethics of Public Administration in the Era of Technology Disruption and Government Innovation ]]>
<![CDATA[Lia Muliawaty]]>;
<![CDATA[Dyah Bayu Framesthi]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 2 (2020): (October 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i2.3219
<![CDATA[Good public administration services are the main thing in running a quality government. Therefore, ethics is a major part of maintaining the quality of public administration services, especially in the era of Industry 4.0 which needs to also apply ethics in using technology. The purpose of this study is to examine the formation and implementation of ethics in public administration in the era of government innovation disruption due to technological development and disruption. This research uses a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis method which is sourced from various literature both primary and secondary, then an analysis of the various literature is carried out. Descriptive analysis results show that technology has become an indispensable need in government, in various fields and activities. Where, the disruption of the technology also impacts on various government innovations that really need ethics, especially on public services to avoid mal-administration. The impact of this research is knowledge of the importance of awareness of implementing ethics in public administration services in the era of technological disruption to improve the quality of government services.]]>
<![CDATA[Does Good Governance Matter? Kazakhstan’s Economic Growth and Worldwide Governance Indicators ]]>
<![CDATA[Aikozha Absadykov]]>
<![CDATA[ Otoritas : Jurnal Ilmu Pemerintahan Vol 10, No 1 (2020): (April 2020) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies Universitas Muhammadiyah Makassar ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.26618/ojip.v10i1.2776
<![CDATA[Good governance is generally believed to improve country’s economic performance. This paper studies the relationship between the World Bank’s Worldwide Governance Indicators (Voice and Accountability, Political Stability and Absence of Violence, Government Effectiveness, Regulatory Quality, Rule of Law, Control of Corruption) and economic growth in terms of GDP per capita in Kazakhstan. The findings of the research indicate that there is a significant positive relationship between good governance and economic performance of Kazakhstan. Specifically, results show that the Control of Corruption has the strongest impact on GDP per capita. ]]>
