Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture
Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture is an interdisciplinary journal that explores the history, politics, economics, linguistics, sociology and anthropology of world’s local culture. The journal brings together original and innovative articles which deploy interdisciplinary and comparative research methods add also welcomes progress reports on research projects, fieldwork notes, book reviews, and notes on conferences. Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture is published by Laboratorium Bantenologi, State Islamic University (UIN) Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten in June and December each year. The journal accepts articles in English and Indonesia.
Articles
90 Documents
<![CDATA[Kiai vis a vis Media Logic: Revisiting the Power of Internet and Kiai in Pandalungan Muslim Community ]]>
<![CDATA[Fazlul Rahman]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 4 No 2 (2017): July - December 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v4i2.1868
<![CDATA[Abstract Internet becomes an integral part of current Indonesian society‘s life. Meanwhile, the figure of kiai clearly cannot be separated from the history of Indonesian socio-religious life up until recently. Both the kiai and Internet are inseparable parts of current Indonesian social reality, in which, each of them possessed their particular share of power and ran according their own logics. Focusing on the case of Pandalungan Muslims community, where the kiai‘s authority is greatly acknowledged, this paper will shed the lights on the logic behind those two powers and the contestation (for authority) occurred between them. This paper concludes that the logic of the kiai-ness is the logic of culture and media logic is in the logic of culture. This made the kiais‘ authority is still standing strong in current media life.]]>
<![CDATA[Jinn and Hot Money: Morality and Cultural Risks in Bombana Gold Mining, Eastern Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Fitrilailah Mokui]]>;
<![CDATA[Omar Pidani]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 6 No 1 (2019): January - June 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v6i1.2042
<![CDATA[This study discusses the notion of Jin and Hot money as moral emblems to predict morality and public health risk in Bombana, gold mining areas. The result of this study indicates that good jinn control people to prevent from negative behavior and thinking. It means that good jinn contributes the positive consequences for both individual and community. On the other hand, the bad jin brings negative consequences. In addition, the morality standard for hot money and bad jinn are associated with risks condition and their impacts for individual as well as community.]]>
<![CDATA[Preserving Traditional Islamic Thought and Practice: The Codified SūrahYāsīn and Taḥlīl Texts in Indonesia ]]>
<![CDATA[Rohman Rohman]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 5 No 2 (2018): July - December 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v5i2.1901
<![CDATA[Abstract This paper tries to construct the role of the codified SūrahYāsīn and Taḥlīl texts in Indonesia.The present paper also attempts to investigate the sequential aspects of the transmission of sūrahYāsīn from the single sūrah until it is compiled with taḥlīl texts and become widely used among traditionalist Muslims in Indonesia. The paper provides the faḍā’il al-a‘māl based on some muslim scholars. Some important questions will be dealt here, namely: why does sūrah Yāsīn has a special position? How was sūrahYāsīn and taḥlīl texts compiled in Indonesia? In this paper, I argue that the sūrahYāsīn compiled with taḥlīl texts is sort of textual forms which preserve the traditional Islamic thought and practices in Indonesia.]]>
<![CDATA[Wetu Telu in Bayan Lombok: Dialectic of Islam and Local Culture ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Harfin Zuhdi]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 5 No 2 (2018): July - December 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v5i2.1879
<![CDATA[Abstract Islam reached Lombok Island in the sixteenth century, approximately in 1545, which was brought by SunanGiri, the son of SunanPrapen, one of the prominent Islamic preachers known as Wali Songo, through an expedition from Java. Prior to its arrival in the Island, according to some historians, the indigenous Sasak (the indigenous people of Lombok) embraced a traditional belief known as Boda. Historically, since its establishment, Islam has perpetually been expanding despite facing some distinct and contradictory values of local tradition and culture, which leads to a kind of dialectical process and turns in what is known as local Islam such as Islam WetuTelu in Bayan, West Lombok. This article is aimed at revealing the historical root of religious identity of Sasak community. The historical sketch of its religious identity produces a combination of traditional, cultural and religious values of the comers with those of the indigenous people in the past, WetuTelu religion. Present Muslims in Lombok assume that the existence of traditional Islam is due to an incomplete process of Islamization in the Island.]]>
<![CDATA[Local Politics and the Formation of Sub-National Imagined Communities: The Cases of Tabanan Lovers and Buleleng Jengah in Bali ]]>
<![CDATA[Gde Dwitya Arief Mentere]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 4 No 2 (2017): July - December 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v4i2.1870
<![CDATA[Abstract This essay looks at two cases of cyber citizen organizations namely Tabanan Lovers and Buleleng jengah. The two cyber citizen organizations emerged from some initiatives to organize members of Facebook community who come from the same hometown, namely Tabanan and Buleleng regency in Bali. In their later development, the two Facebook groups evolve into a space as well as a medium for the cyber citizens to voice their critical political aspiration. Early observation shows that the two groups share similar characteristic of becoming “imagined communities” mediated by not necessarily print media, but instead social media like Facebook. A question that this essay would like to suggest as a future research agenda is what necessitates the formation of these “subnational imagined communities” which takes place at the regency level and not at provincial level? Through tracing the history of their conception and through online participatory observation, this essay aims at providing a preliminary discussion to help illuminate the formation of these two subnational “imagined communities”. More specifically, the discussion points to a link connecting local politics of pilkada and the formation of Tabanan Lovers and Buleleng jengah.]]>
<![CDATA[Sex Education in Pesantren: The Study of Kitab on Sex Manuals in Pesantren in Bandung, West Java ]]>
<![CDATA[Irma Riyani]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 6 No 1 (2019): January - June 2019 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v6i1.2041
<![CDATA[This paper examines the sexual agency exercised by married Muslim women in Bandung, Indonesia, in their marital relationships. Dominant discourses teach that women should obey their husbands, and most women believe that they should serve their husbands sexually whenever required. Sex is a taboo subject and women should not discuss sex or initiate sex. Their sexual desire is not acknowledged. However, in-depth interviews with 42 married women, and some husbands, found that a few exceptional women managed to challenge or negotiate around these dominant discourses. The paper examines their exercise of agency with regard to the initiation of sex, positions and practices that they prefer, their ability to say no to sex, ways to avoid having sex and their demand for mutual pleasure in sex.]]>
<![CDATA[The Fabrication of Local Identity: Marginalization of the Indigenous Dayak Beverage in Central Kalimantan ]]>
<![CDATA[Sofyan Ansori]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 5 No 2 (2018): July - December 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v5i2.1902
<![CDATA[Abstract Since the decentralization era that started in 1999, the need to search for local identity in various regions in Indonesia gradually emerged. Local elites have been pursuing some specific characteristics to legitimize their indigeneity and authenticity which are useful to strengthen their local power grip. The production of local identity (e.g., adat; tradition) was transformed into a key factor for the success of a local government in the transition of political and economic power in Indonesia (Bourchier, 2007; Erb, 2007). In that cultural production, a particular ethnic tradition was often fabricated into a binary dichotomy; “good” and “bad” to come up with a “true local identity.” Within this scheme, a tradition considered “bad” is rejected. Baram, a traditional Dayak beverage containing alcohol, faces this kind of rejection. Even though it is inherently a part of the Dayak culture, evidence of its existence is systematically deleted in the public domain such as museums, books, and public documents and other local publications. Baram is perceived as a form of bad habit and also is thought to be irrelevant to the contemporary Dayak identity that is struggling to eliminate the stereotype of being uncivilized. This paper argues that the marginalization of baram not only is a matter of politics but also is related to current social and cultural contestation in Central Kalimantan, Palangkaraya in particular. The analysis in this paper focuses on the relation of the Dayak as indigenous people of Central Kalimantan and migrants from other Kalimantan regions and outside of Kalimantan. The data were collected during my short ethnographic research in Palangkaraya and Katingan Regency, Central Kalimantan in 2015. Baram is suspected of being a source of overconsumption of alcohol that triggers violence and criminal actions in both urban and rural communities. Such a formulation is common in the mass media to describe the negative effects of baram. The marginalization of baram continues and has escalated into a more serious matter as the local regime now labels it as illegal good. It is, thus, alienated in its own home.]]>
<![CDATA[Travel of Bonpo Gods from the Eurasian Borderlands to the Tibetan Culture Area and the Borderlands of North-east India ]]>
<![CDATA[M.N. Rajesh]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 5 No 1 (2018): January - June 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v5i1.1874
<![CDATA[Abstract Popular writing has brought about an image of Hindu deities that are seen as a part of Hinduism only and Hinduism is also seen as a religion of the Indian subcontinent. While this may be largely true in many cases, it forces us to look at Hinduism in very Semitic terms as a closed religion. On the contrary we see that there was a considerable travel of gods and goddesses from other religions into Hinduism and vice versa. And thus negates the idea of Hinduism as a closed system. This therefore brings us to the problem of defining Hinduism which is by no means an easy task as there is no agreement on any singular definition. Pre-modern India had more contacts with her neighbours and thus central Asia and south East Asia emerge as some of the main regions where Indian influence is seen in many aspects of life. Even to a casual observer of both central Asia and South East Asia we see that there striking Indian influences in culture, religion and other aspects of life. All of them are not part of the textual literature that has become very nationalistic in the recent past and this tends to also dismiss the earlier writings as western Eurocentric. It is true that there is a great element of eurocentricism in the earlier writings but one point that needs to be highlighted is that these earlier writings also faithfully portrayed many aspects like iconography etc. in a very descriptive manner that focused on the measurements, likeness, colour and other associated characteristics of the statues. Such trends are clearly visible in the writings of Jas Burgess,E.B Havell etc. who were influenced by the dominant paradigm in contemporary Europe of the 1850‟s where the duty of the historian was to just record. Such an approach was informed by the writings of the German philosopher Leopold Von Ranke. Though there are certain value judgments at the end of the chapter, the main narrative is a dry as dust and it is easy to decipher the characteristics or reconstruct the iconographic programme in any shrine and by extension the religious practices. In the modern period , where the dominant forms of anti-colonial struggles led to a writing of nationalist history succeeded by Marxist influenced social histories in many parts of Asia, the identification of the national boundaries and national cultures also extended to religions and many aspects were either muted or totally obliterated in history writing to present a homogenous picture. Thus, we have a picture of Hinduism and Buddhism that fits in with the national narratives. Such a collapse of categories is there in the borderland of India where the cultural boundaries are not clearly marked as also h religious boundaries. One single example that illustrates this assertion is the portrayal of Sri Lanka as a Sinhala Buddhist region with the Tamil regions of Sri Lanka marked off as separate entity and both being largely exclusive. In the Buddhist temples of Sri Lanka, one finds firstly the statue of Ganesha and later the images of Karthikeya and also the god Shani or Saturn. This image of a Buddhist monastery sharply contrasts with the highly buddhistic space of a Sinhala Buddhist temple where non-Buddhist elements are not found.]]>
<![CDATA[Moral Values in Religious Myths of Bantenese Society ]]>
<![CDATA[Ayatullah Humaeni]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 5 No 1 (2018): January - June 2018 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v5i1.2040
<![CDATA[Abstract This article discusses moral values in various religious myths spread on several areas of Banten. How Bantenese society undertands and believes in religious myths that spread out and are still maintained from generations to generations becomes one of the main focuses of this article; besides, it also tries to analyze the meaning and functions of religious myths for Bantenese society; and the moral values contained in religious myths of Bantenese society. This article is a field research using ethnographical method based on anthropological perspective. Library research, participant-observation, and depth-interview are methodes used to collect the data. Religious myths are one of Islamic literatures that still survive in Banten up to now. For Bantenese society, religious myths are considered having moral message and moral values. Religious myths, in some cases, also play significant roles and function for Bantenese society because they frequently contain moral values. Hence, many Bantenese people still maintain and transmit these religious myths to the youg generation.]]>
<![CDATA[Reception of Islamic Law on Indigenous Communities: Study of Legal Anthropology in Baduy and Kampung Naga ]]>
<![CDATA[Abdurrahman Misno Bambang Prawiro]]>
<![CDATA[ Kawalu: Journal of Local Culture Vol 4 No 2 (2017): July - December 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Laboratorium Bantenologi UIN Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin Banten ]]>
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DOI: 10.32678/kawalu.v4i2.1861
<![CDATA[Abstract The first community to accept Islam was the tenant at the coastal areas of Sumatra, Java, Sulawesi, Kalimantan, Maluku, Nusa Tenggara and Papua. After that Islam disseminated to rural areas throughout the country as the consequence of their reception of Islamic law. However, the fact was not all Islamic law accepted and implemented, because they already have customs practiced continuously by hereditary generations long before the arrival of Islam. Some custom in Indonesia, which still survive was practiced by indigenous community such as Baduy and Kampung Naga.This research examines the reception of Islamic law by those indigenous communities. The focus of this study is the elements of Islamic law, the reception pattern of Islamic law, and the factors that influence the reception. The purpose and usefulness of this study was to answer the research questions and describe the two customary of communities as well as bad correlation with the Islamic legal system. The method used is empirical legal study. The data used in this study were the primary data source derived from observation, deep interviews and library research.Research shows that the reception of Islamic law by the community of Baduy in the implementation of Islamic law marriage that is reading the creed of the Prophet Muhammad PBUH records by KUA, especially on the community of Outer Baduy. Reception in the field of inheritance was limited to the mention of the terms in Islamic inheritance, while the division still follow their customs that divide the estate equally both boys and girls. While the community of Kampung Naga reception occurs in the majority of law and worship in particular muamalah especially in wedding. Islamic law reception process occurs due to internal factors (custom character and creed) and external (social interaction and the power of the state).The researcher formulated the theory of Islamic law reception by the indigenous communities is Reception through Selection-modification, reception of Islamic law by indigenous communities with the selection and modification. If Islamic law is in accordance with the accepted custom, when it conflicts then modified to align with traditional values.]]>
