cover
Contact Name
Defbry Margiansyah
Contact Email
editor.jissh@gmail.com
Phone
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Journal Mail Official
editor.jissh@gmail.com
Editorial Address
Kedeputian Bidang Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial dan Kemanusiaan (IPSK) / Deputy of Social and Humanity Sciences Jl Gatot Subroto No. 10, Jakarta, Post code: 12710
Location
Kota adm. jakarta pusat,
Dki jakarta
INDONESIA
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
ISSN : 19798431     EISSN : 26567512     DOI : 10.14203/jissh
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
Journal of Indonesian Social Science and Humanities (JISSH) is a peer-reviewed international journal in English organized by Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI). It is published biannually and covers all aspects of Indonesia, regional and international studies from Indonesian perspective. JISSH features original research papers, research/dissertation summary, and book review. We welcome manuscript that is an unpublished paper and not ongoing proccessed at other publications from scholars, policymakers, experts, practitioners, and students. The Scope of JISSH : social; humanities; economic; culture; politic; regional
Articles 121 Documents
The Influence of Family Wealth and Parent Education Level on Students Reading Literacy Abu Nawas
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 9, No 1 (2019): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (258.364 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v9i1.116

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This study aims to examine the influence of family background factors in terms of family wealth and parent education levels on students reading performance in Indonesia. The study utilises secondary data from the OECDs Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 2015 for Indonesia, in which 6513 students participated. This also specifically highlights the analysis of family wealth and parent education levels in possibly predicting the students reading literacy in Indonesia. In analysing the data, a quantitative approach was used which utilised statistically different analysis such as t-test, one-way ANOVA, two-way ANOVA, correlation and multiple linear regression analysis using WesVar version 5.1 software.The result found there were significant different reading scores between students from different family wealth and parent education levels. The students from high family wealth performed better than they with middle and low wealthy. Likewise, the children with highly educated mother and father had high scores than students whose parents had low and did not complete primary school. Moreover, the result of correlation and regression analysis revealed that all predictor variables, WEALTH, MISCED and FISCED, significantly associate and predict better reading literacy performance of 15-year-old students in Indonesia for PISA 2015 survey. Therefore, the implications of the study highlight opportunities to reform educational policies through data and evidence.
Inequalities and Indirect Conflict Interventions: The Evidence on Perceptions of Difference, Social Cohesion, and Sub-national Variations in Violence in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia Rachael Diprose
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 2 (2009): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (1234.946 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v2i0.22

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This paper examines the empirical evidence on social cohesion and perceived horizontal inequalities in two neighbouring districts in Central Sulawesi, Indonesia. Despite having similar sized groups (religiously polarised, ethnically fragmented) and the opportunity to mobilise during the national political transition beginning in 1998, only one of the districts had serious violence. First, the evidence suggests that such violence was linked to perceived horizontal inequalities in terms of access to the state, particularly in terms of religious identity in the district affected by con?ict. In the same district, there was also evidence of weaker social cohesion: there were more pervasive negative stereotypes of other groups along religious lines, and the least inter-religious mixing in terms of everyday interaction and friendships. These attitudes and less frequent mixing were more likely, too, among the group that was initially marginalised from the state when power-sharing arrangements broke down. Meanwhile, in the district with less violence, there was more frequent inter-religious group mixing overall but particularly on the part of the group that did not dominate the state. That is, frequent inter-religious group mixing and the absence of negative attitudes on the part of this group towards others may have signalled that it was not a viable group to be mobilised for political gain. Instead, in this more peaceful district, ethnic identity was the more salient form of political capital, but demographically the district is ethnically fragmented. Inter-ethnic rather than religious mixing was less frequent in this district, but it was worst among the dominant political group along religious and ethnic lines. Yet, the negative attitudes and stronger in-group (rather than out-group) bonds between members of the dominant political group did not translate into violent con?ict because there were minimal challenges to their power during the transition. Finally, the evidence suggests that the associational membership of mixedethnic or religious organisations is less likely to explain violence prevention, given that membership of such organisations was greater in the con?ict-affected district. The evidence overall suggests that demographic divides are not always an indicator of political divides and the propensity for con?ict, but rather this is related to the politics of exclusion. Furthermore, it indicates that to some extent increased crossgroup contact can act as an indirect con?ict intervention mechanism.
Blueprint for a New Democracy Eristya Puspitadewi Irwanto
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 8, No 2 (2018): Special Issue: "Democracy, Identity, and Religion in Contemporary Southeast Asia
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (170.459 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v8i2.136

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From Brussels to Bogor: Contacts, Networks and the History of the Bandung Conference 1955 Wildan Sena Utama
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 6, No 1 (2016): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (2176.881 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v6i1.56

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This article discusses the roots of the Bandung Conference of 1955 by tracing the alliance of Asian and African worldwide internationalism and anti-imperialism that existed since the early twentieth century. It attempts to show that although the conference emerged during the height of the Cold War, the network behind this alliance had gradually developed since the interwar period. The solidarity of this alliance lay in the common history of the colonized people that struggled to become sovereign. Contacts, meetings and conferences that took place in Europe and Asia juxtaposed the anti-imperialist movement of Asian and African countries. This article argues that the Bandung Conference 1955 was the culmination of relationships and connections of an Afro-Asian group who had been long oppressed by colonialism, racism and class superiority.
The Effects of The Cash Transfer Programme for Poor Students on Childs Work Participation: Evidence from Java (Indonesia) Achsanah Hidayatina
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 8, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v8i1.93

Abstract

Cash transfer is considered as a relatively safe policy instrument to improve child welfare. Over the past ten years, Indonesia has made major progress in reducing the number of children involved in child work. It has done so primarily by expanding education provision to increase the time children spend in school and reduce the time children allocate to work. This progress has been supported by the implementation of poverty alleviation programmes that provided income assistance to vulnerable families. This paper aims to analyse whether cash transfer subsidies provided by the Government of Indonesia were sufficient for children to decrease the probability of working and reduce the hours of working activities of children within households. This paper includes a detailed exploration of differences in impacts by childrens gender and areas of residence. This paper uses cross sectional data to analyse the effects of the programme on childs work. The data covers children aged from six to 14 from the Indonesian Family Life Survey (IFLS) in 2014. The data is non-experimental and programme participation is not randomly assigned. The bivariate Probit with endogenous dummy models are also estimated for the probability that a child is working, controlling for additional characteristics of the child, head of household, household and community-level characteristics. The results of this paper are particularly relevant for understanding the role of cash transfer programmes in developing countries. The findings of this paper suggest that the Government of Indonesia needs to reach the poorest children who are out of school.
Participating in Parliamentary Politics: Experiences of Indonesian Women 1995-2010 Sharyn Graham Davies; Nurul Ilmi Idrus
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 3 (2010): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (823.603 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v3i1.47

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This article concerns itself with womens participation in politics and, more specifcally, the representation of women in elected legislatures, in Indonesia between 1995 and 2010. The article gives readers a brief overview of the various ways that Indonesian women participate in politics. Examples are given of women being traditional rulers, having political authority, exercising power, becoming presidents and cabinet ministers, participating in protest movements, and being elected to parliament. The article then moves to focus more specifcally on the election of women to the Indonesian parliament. The article analyses positive developments that have occurred in the past decade to facilitate womens entry to parliamentary politics. Although numerous positive developments have indeed taken place, the article argues that women are still hindered in their attempts to get elected to parliament. Drawing on indepth interviews, literature reviews, statistical analysis, and long-term ethnographic research, the authors identify some of the factors limiting womens election, including the restrictive limited model of womanhood advocated in Indonesia, declining cronyism, the ineffectiveness of the thirty per cent quota, the reputation politics has of being dirty, the in?uence of religion, and the large sums of money candidates need to support their election campaigns.
Cross-Cultural Alliance-Making and Local Resistance in the Moluccas during the Revolt of Prince Nuku, c. 1780–1810 Muridan S. Widjojo
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 1 (2008): Special Issue: Ten Years Reformasi
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (660.851 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v1i1.9

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Fine and rare spices were the primary reason for the Europeans to establish trading posts in Asia. The Dutch took control of the Moluccas at the beginning of the seventeenth century following the establishment of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1602. The use of force and diplomacy to force out their trading rivalsthe Spaniards, Portuguese and their allieswas planned and designed from the outset. How the VOCs power structures were set up in the Spice Islands of eastern Indonesia differed from place to place. In Banda, the regions power structure and organisation of trade and politics was destroyed with the extermination and forced evacuation of the Bandanese population. In Ambon, the VOC established direct rule over an indigenous population that took sixty years to assure. In Ternate, the most important state in the Moluccas at that time, the VOC employed indirect rule; it ruled through the sultans, whom they kept on a short leash by controlling successions and putting their favourites on the throne.
Conflict Management in Indonesia: Policy Perspective and Analysis Sugit Arjon
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 8, No 1 (2018): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (270.422 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v8i1.88

Abstract

This article focuses to analyze the roots of violence and this article examines at case studies from Indonesia. This article also aims at answering the effectiveness of policy in the conflict management by analysing the critical factors that involved in violent conflicts and briefly seek alternative solution to prevent it to happen in the future. This article aims to answer two central questions, firstly, how effective the Indonesian government policy on security and conflict. Secondly, what are the roles of NGOs to support the effectiveness of the policy on security and conflict. To prevent the future conflicts, there are three effective strategies that can be implemented and it need the collaboration between the policymakers and society. First, to design an effective early warning mechanism which able to inform a potential friction that can escalate to bigger conflict. Second, an effective policy to prevent conflict, to manage conflict, and peace building mechanisms in post-conflict. Third, urge the participation of non-state actors in conflict management. The Indonesian government and house of representatives have passed the bill on social conflict management written as Law No. 7/2012 or known as UU PKS. However, UU PKS arguably leaves plenty of loopholes. Moreover, the activities of NGOs on the conflict management can be divided into two main categories: public engagement and advocacy. Public engagement activities focus on services to the public while on the advocacy focuses to maintain communication and put pressure to the government. In public engagement activities, the NGOs offer the service to provide psychological and legal assistance, consulting the victims rights, consulting, legal advice, psychosocial support to the victims. Moreover, in the advocacy approach, the NGOs maintain the discussion and lobby to the government to ensure the peace and justice in law enforcement.
The Roles of Islamic Organizations in Civil Society and Political Society: Malaysia and Indonesia Compared Aisah Putri
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 6, No 2 (2016): General Issue: Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v6i2.38

Abstract

In both Malaysia and Indonesia, Islamic organizations have played signifcant roles not only in civil society, but also in political society. By contrasting the Malaysian and Indonesian cases, this paper builds a notion arguing that it is possible for the Islamic organizations in civil society to objectively and actively oversee the state even when they are strongly linked to political parties. However, it needs specific conditions, namely a democratic system, a weak political coalition, and an independent integration process to allow Islamic organizations to move into political society. This argument is also antithetical to a popular neo-Tocquevilleans argument that civil society should be separated from political society to function effectively.
CITES and Domestic Economy in Indonesia: The Efforts of Indonesian Government to Change The Lamakera Fishers Commodity in Implementing The 2013 CITES Convention Iyan Septiyana
Journal of Indonesian Social Sciences and Humanities Vol 7, No 2 (2017): Special Issue: "Health, Environment, and Sustainable Development"
Publisher : Deputy of Social Sciences and Humanities, the Indonesia Institute of Sciences (LIPI)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (355.365 KB) | DOI: 10.14203/jissh.v7i2.142

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Indonesia is a maritime country where most of the people work as fishers. The number of fishers in Indonesia is around 1.4 million people. Lamakera is a village on Solor Island, and part of East Flores Regency, East Nusa Tenggara Province. The geographical condition which is the strait makes the Lamakera sea area visited by various types of fish, including whales and manta rays. In 2012 researchers proposed a moratorium of International trade of Manta rays gills to IUCN that agreed on the international convention in the CITES framework. Indonesia, as part of the CITES, binds their selves to the convention and must implement it. In another side, Manta is the primary commodity for Lamakera fishers. By using liberal-institutionalism perspective on international relations, this article will describe how the efforts of the Indonesian government change the livelihood of local people concerning the implementation of CITES 2013.

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