cover
Contact Name
Kacung Marijan
Contact Email
polindo@journal.unair.ac.id
Phone
+6285645474141
Journal Mail Official
polindo@journal.unair.ac.id
Editorial Address
Gedung A Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (FISIP) Universitas Airlangga Jalan Dharmawangsa Dalam Selatan, Surabaya 60286, Indonesia
Location
Kota surabaya,
Jawa timur
INDONESIA
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics)
Published by Universitas Airlangga
ISSN : 23032073     EISSN : 28082710     DOI : http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jpi.v7i2.31126
Core Subject : Social,
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics - IJP) is a peer-reviewed journal that specifically covers areas of research in Democracy, Governance, Political Thought, Contemporary Politics, Ethics, and Discourse on Justice. Articles that discuss the theoretical aspects of Political Philosophy, Theories of Democracy, Governance, Ethics and Discourse on Justice are welcome, as well as pieces that engage in the discussion of democratic governance practices, election, and contemporary national and international politics.
Articles 78 Documents
YouTube as digital public sphere: Controversary over Indonesia’s Military Reform Law Putri, Lutfiani Sayyida Eka; Lestari, Kalimah Wasis; Payo, Nadia; Ambardo, Marsha; Nareshwari, Syalsabila Amalia; Aqila, Ratu Sakinatul; Cahyani, Eylin Intan Regita; Sahara, Berliana Elsa
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 11 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v11i2.79858

Abstract

The issue of revising the TNI Law has been considered an offense against the principles of democracy and civil supremacy, triggering fears of the military's dual function (including involvement in socio-political affairs), as seen during Suharto's New Order era. This research aims to analyze the pros and cons of the audience of the Bocor Alus Politik YouTube channel towards the Revision of the Indonesian National Army Law (RUU TNI) through the comments of the content titled "Actors & Lobbies behind the Revision of the TNI Law". This research employs a quantitative approach, utilizing a sentiment analysis method to classify netizen comments. The research data consisted of 4,209 comments collected from the YouTube content. The analysis results indicate dominance of positive sentiment (3,694 comments) over negative sentiment (512 comments), with an accuracy rate of 86.20%. The positive group used appreciative words such as "support", "brave", and "media", which showed support for civil supremacy and independent media. Meanwhile, the negative group employs diction that delegitimizes the media, using words such as "stooge" and "slander", reflecting skepticism towards media objectivity and support for military involvement in the civilian sector. This research demonstrates that YouTube serves as a digital deliberation arena, showing the political polarization of Indonesian society regarding civil-military relations.
Child labour and sexual exploitation in Bangladesh: Analysis of government failure to protect children's rights within the constitutional framework Lalu Ary Kurniawan Hardi; Casey Alexa Kruger; Richard Anderson; Ryanta Septario Yudhananta; Irfan Rafi Maulana; Celine Chelsea Amelia Afaratu; Nicky Emmanuel Simanjuntak; Chantya Rania Syaikha Jatmiko; Taufik Hidayat; Fahanza Dalih Al Faraz
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 11 No. 2 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v11i2.79896

Abstract

In the context of the constitution and in its execution, the state is now required to satisfy the rights of its citizens, particularly the rights of children. Nonetheless, many nations around the world continue to fail to fully enforce these rights, which would lead to social discontent. Bangladesh is one of these nations, with a high prevalence of abuses of children's rights. With an emphasis on child labor, sexual exploitation, and the government's policy reaction, this study uses a qualitative research approach and a thorough literature analysis to investigate child rights abuses in Bangladesh. Peer-reviewed scholarly journals, official government publications, and reports from international organizations were among the many secondary sources from which the data were collected. Despite the existing legal and constitutional framework for protecting children's rights, child labour and sexual exploitation still happens regularly. It is found that the root causes of these phenomenon are poverty and religio-cultural values in Bangladesh’s society. Thus addressing these problems could help to further make existing laws to protect children’s rights even more systemic.
From polarization to personalization: Religion and split-ticket voting in Indonesia Andrea Prisca Kurnadi; Giandi Kartasasmita
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v12i1.80095

Abstract

This article examines how religious affiliation shapes split-ticket voting in Indonesia by comparing the polarized 2019 election with the less polarized 2024 contest. Using individual-level survey data, we estimate logistic regression models. The main specification pools data across election years and includes interaction terms to assess cross-election differences. We complement this with separate models for each election year to facilitate contextual comparison. The analysis focuses on the effect of religious affiliation (Muslim versus non-Muslim) on two forms of cross-ballot behavior: split-party and split-coalition voting. The results indicate that religion was a strong predictor of voting behavior under polarization but weakened significantly in a less polarized context. In 2019, non-Muslim voters were less likely to split their ballots, reflecting consistent alignment across electoral arenas. By contrast, in 2024—when cross-cutting coalitions emerged—the effect of religion declined, no longer predicting split-coalition voting and only modestly influencing split-party behavior. At the same time, evaluative and candidate-centered considerations became more prominent, consistent with patterns of personalistic politics in weakly institutionalized party systems. These findings suggest that religion operates as a context-dependent cue: its constraining effect diminishes as electoral competition shifts from identity-based polarization toward more candidate-centered and personalized forms of voting. The Indonesian case thus demonstrates how variation in polarization conditions the role of identity in shaping electoral behavior.
Digital activism: A case study of viral-based policy implementation trends Muliono
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This study aims to examine how digital activism influences government institutional behaviour, particularly regarding virality-based policies. This research focuses on analyzing three public issues: the suicide of an elementary school student, mining policies, and LPG gas regulations which only received government responses after gaining massive virality. This study employed a qualitative case study and the research focuses on selected viral policy cases that gained significant traction on digital platforms. Data were collected through digital content analysis including social media posts, online news coverage, and official government statements. The study focuses on cases occurring between 2025 and 2026. The research was conducted over a period of about two months, between January and February 2026. The findings shows that digital activism plays a substantial role in accelerating the implementation of government policies. The virality of the cases in question forced the government to implement policies promptly and effectively. Furthermore, these viral-based policies demonstrate a transformation in institutional behaviour, where digital public pressure is increasingly influencing agenda-setting and decision-making processes. The study concludes that, by the presence of digital activism, government behaviour patterns are no longer solely determined by formal and structurally designed policy mechanisms but are heavily influenced by the visibility and virality of an issue within the digital space.
Political positioning strategy of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) in the case of the Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG) Dimas Subekti
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v12i1.89521

Abstract

The Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG) championed by the Prabowo Subianto administration has become a strategic policy to improve the quality of human resources through nutritional fulfillment, but it has faced various criticisms, including from the PDIP. Although the PDIP criticized aspects of the budget, implementation, and potential politicization, the party still approved the program during the legislative process. Therefore, this research aims to analyze the Political Positioning Strategy of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) in the Case of the Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG). This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The data collection technique in this research employs literature study. The findings of this study explain that the political positioning strategy of the Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan (PDIP) in the case of the Free Nutritious Meal Program (MBG) demonstrates an adaptive approach. The combination of these three strategies shows that PDIP not only seeks to attract electoral support but also builds political legitimacy through a balance between responsiveness to the public, institutional performance, and value differentiation. In the context of a competitive multiparty system, such positioning becomes a strategic advantage because it allows the Party to remain relevant as a political institution that is not merely populist, but also rational and possesses a distinctive political character.
Historical institutionalism and policy capacity in analysing the policy failure of Indonesia’s free education Tri Handoko; Wahyu Zuli; Atikah Nur Pajriyah
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v12i1.89745

Abstract

This paper explains why Indonesia’s 12-year free education policy continues to experience high drop-out rates and illegal school levies, arguing that these outcomes arise from the interaction between historical-institutional legacies and contemporary policy capacity deficits. The study adopts a qualitative case study design, applying a dual framework of historical institutionalism and policy capacity. It uses secondary data and policy documents to trace path dependence in education financing and to assess analytical, organizational and political dimensions of state capacity.Historical institutionalism analysis shows that systematic underfunding during the Suharto era normalized informal fees and created self-reinforcing sequences that persisted beyond major policy changes. The policy capacity lens reveals weaknesses in problem diagnosis, fragmented budgeting, weak inter-organizational coordination and limited political will to address corruption. Together, these dynamics sustain illegal levies as a parallel financing system rather than a simple implementation failure. The paper offers a multi-theoretical explanation of policy failure by integrating historical institutionalism and policy capacity to show how past underfunding and present capacity deficits jointly reproduce informal financing in Indonesia’s education system. Keywords: education policy, historical institutionalism, Indonesia, policy capacity, policy implementation
Personal branding strategy for non-incumbent candidates: A case study of Lita Machfud Arifin in the 2024 East Java electoral district 1 election contest: Strategi personal branding kandidat non-petahana: Studi kasus Lita Machfud Arifin dalam kontestasi elektoral Dapil Jawa Timur 1 tahun 2024 Felisa Dwita Rahmawati; Kacung Marijan
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v12i1.91691

Abstract

This study analyzes personal branding strategies in electoral competition through the success of Lita Machfud Arifin (LMA) as a non-incumbent candidate from the NasDem Party in the 2024 Indonesian House of Representatives election in the highly competitive East Java 1 electoral district. The research employs a qualitative approach using a case study method and the framework of The Eight Laws of Personal Branding by Peter Montoya. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, observation, and digital documentation. The findings indicate that LMA’s personal branding success was determined not only by political communication strategies but also by social capital and financial capital. LMA’s background as the wife of the former East Java Police Chief strengthened her existing social networks, while financial resources enabled a more independent and optimized campaign execution. The application of The Eight Laws of Personal Branding serves as a catalyst in enhancing visibility, differentiation, and emotional connection with voters. The synergy between personal branding and capital strength is reflected in the 68,456 votes that secured LMA the first DPR RI seat for the NasDem Party in the East Java 1 electoral district. This study concludes that personal branding is most effective when supported by strong social and financial capital.
The dynamics of political buzzer domination on TikTok and the mechanism of young voter opinion formation in Surabaya during the 2024 Presidential Election: Dinamika dominasi buzzer politik di TikTok dan mekanisme pembentukan opini pemilih muda di Surabaya pada Pilpres 2024 Nayla Zhei Aurel Meilan; Lingga Kencana; Miftakhul Khoir
Jurnal Politik Indonesia (Indonesian Journal of Politics) Vol. 12 No. 1 (2026)
Publisher : Universitas Airlangga

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.20473/jpi.v12i1.92340

Abstract

This study examines how the dominance of political buzzer accounts on TikTok shaped the political opinions of young voters in Surabaya during the 2024 Indonesian Presidential Election. To address this question simultaneously from two angles (quantitative measurement and qualitative explanation), the study adopts a mixed-methods design with an explanatory sequential structure: quantitative data first, qualitative data to unpack the mechanisms that numbers alone cannot reveal. Survey data were collected retrospectively from 113 young voters (April-May 2026), and in-depth interviews were conducted with 10 informants (May 2026), asking participants to recall their TikTok consumption experiences and opinion formation processes during the 2024 campaign period. A simple linear regression test yielded an R² value of 0.541 (p < 0.001), indicating that buzzer domination accounts for 54.10% of the variation in voter opinions. Inductive thematic analysis then identified four mechanisms through which this influence operates: message repetition as normalization, the construction of artificial credibility, emotional content as a catalyst for uncritical acceptance, and content virality as an illusion of majority consensus. Unlike most comparable studies that focus on Twitter/X at the national level, this study examines TikTok dynamics specifically at the city level and uncovers psychological layers that statistical analysis alone cannot detect. The findings underscore the need for stricter regulation of digital political campaigns, alongside a more serious commitment to digital literacy education for younger generations.