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<![CDATA[Pengantin Pesanan di Dunia Maya Sebagai Kejahatan Transnasional: Eksploitasi Seksual dan Upaya Penegakan Hukum ]]>
<![CDATA[Wabilia Husnah]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.9
<![CDATA[As a transnational crime, the mail-order brides are evolving into a form of cyber-trafficking. The mail-order brides websites advertise Indonesian women to be traded as Chinese men's wives. This paper aims to analyze the eradication of the transnational crime, by revealing the sexual exploitation in it, root of the problem, and law enforcement against cyber-trafficking. This is qualitative research with a case study approach to three mail-order brides websites. By using the theory of Radical Feminism, this study finds women are victims of sexual exploitation, caused by patriarchal system in the culture of two countries. There are several international and national legal instruments that regulate human trafficking, although does not explicitly regulate the elements of cyber-trafficking with the mail-order bride website mode. Therefore, to eradicate the transnational crime, it is necessary to improve legal instruments, and dismantle the patriarchal system as the root causes of the mail-order bride website.]]>
<![CDATA[The Importance of Global Effort to Secure Space Sector from Cyberattack ]]>
<![CDATA[Antonia Rahayu Rosaria Wibowo]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.14
<![CDATA[The use of internet has grown massively since 1990s. It has brought both life improvement and criminal activities in cyberspace. The cyberattack has affected most sectors including space sector. The space sector is vulnerable to cyberattacks because a lot of human technologies depend on it. The actors behind it cannot be identified as an individual based on geographical location, so that, global effort is needed. The importance of global effort to secure space sector from cyberattacks is discussed in this paper. This paper used the descriptive method and library research techniques to collect data. Data about cyberattack on space sector and efforts to secure them were collected from academic journals and international organizations’ documents. Then, they were analyzed using the global governance theory. The result shows that global effort to secure space sector from cyberattack is important because it is a transnational problem, furthermore space sector connects modern infrastructures worldwide.]]>
<![CDATA[Rethinking the Role of Visegrad Group in the EU Enlargement Process ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Anugrah Utama]]>;
<![CDATA[Allysa Ramadhani]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.5
<![CDATA[The rise of authoritarianism and European Union (EU) skepticism in Central Europe has raised concern about the EU Integration project. Populist movements in Visegrad Group countries, consisting of four Central European states, have been deemed threats to the Integration project and the EU enlargement process. This paper attempts to revisit and rethink the role of the Visegrad Group in EU integration policy and process using a case study of the role of V4 cooperation with six Western Balkan Countries (WB6) through the socio-constructivist lens. This paper finds the potential of socio-constructivism in explaining the aspect of norms, values, and identities, not just material interests. Moreover, the V4 countries also support WB6 as an example of sub-regionalism as a means to EU membership. In the end, this paper attempts to map out the characteristics, prospects, and impediments of V4’s role in supporting the WB6’s path to the EU.]]>
<![CDATA[Implikasi Border Crossing Agreement dan Border Trade Agreement Terhadap Konektivitas di Wilayah Perbatasan Indonesia-Filipina ]]>
<![CDATA[Burhan Niode]]>;
<![CDATA[Ismail Rachman]]>;
<![CDATA[Welly Waworundeng]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.10
<![CDATA[This study aims to describe the implications of BCA and BTA on the development of population and trade connectivity in the Indonesia-Philippines border area within the framework of the BIMP-EAGA cooperation. Descriptive-qualitative method was used in this study. This study shows that border crossers often carry out illegal border crossings to the Southern Philippines because they carry merchandise and are far from the Border Crossing Entry and Exit Station, and cross-border agreements between Indonesia and the Philippines cannot limit population and trade connectivity in the Indonesia-Philippines border area because the cross-border route used by border crossers is a traditional route. To develop connectivity in the border areas of Indonesia-Philippines, BCA and BTA need to be revised. Sangihe and Talaud Islands Regencies need to function as buffer and transit areas within the framework of the BIMP-EAGA cooperation because the two regencies are geographically close to the Southern Philippines.]]>
<![CDATA[EDITORIAL: Tata Kelola Global dalam Hubungan Internasional ]]>
<![CDATA[Arry Bainus]]>;
<![CDATA[Junita Budi Rachman]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.1
<![CDATA[Establishing Maritime Power Competitiveness Index: Benchmarking Indonesian Navy’s Aspiration to Become World-Class Sea Power ]]>
<![CDATA[Tangguh Chairil]]>;
<![CDATA[Ganesh Aji Wicaksono]]>;
<![CDATA[Muthia Alvi Nurbaitty]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.16
<![CDATA[As an archipelagic country, Indonesia has long envisioned developing its Navy (TNI AL) to become a world-class sea power. After its development was ruled out for a long period, the Minimum Essential Force published in 2010 mandates significant improvement in the Navy's strength. The doctrine of Global Maritime Fulcrum announced in 2014 also rests on maritime defense as one of its pillars, mandating the development of the Navy’s capability. Despite the grand vision, it is unclear to what extent the Navy has been developed to achieve this aim. This paper aims to answer this question by establishing a Maritime Power Competitiveness Index as a composite index for measuring the sea power of countries. Using the index, this paper then measures the Indonesian Navy's strength through the years to track the development of its capability and compares it with the navies of other rival countries.]]>
<![CDATA[Analisis Perdagangan Internasional Indonesia dan Faktor-Faktor yang Memengaruhinya ]]>
<![CDATA[Suryanto Suryanto]]>;
<![CDATA[Poni Sukaesih Kurniati]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.6
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini menganalisis perdagangan internasional dan faktor-faktor yang memengaruhi perdagangan internasional di Indonesia. Peneliti ini menggunakan metode deskriptif untuk menjelaskan perkembangan perdagangan internasional dan metode verifikatif untuk mengetahui variabel yang berpengaruh terhadap perdagangan internasional. Sumber data diperoleh dari data sekunder yang telah dipublish selama 2003-2019. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan untuk mencari faktor-faktor yang menentukan perdagangan internasional menggunakan regresi berganda. Hasil penelitian menyatakan bahwa perdagangan internasional mengalami fluktuatif selama periode penelitian, karena dampak dari harga migas dan non migas yang berubah. Pertumbuhan perdagangan internasional Indonesia lebih dominan pada sektor nonmigas. Sehingga strategi yang dijalankan pemerintah Indonesia memberikan berbagai kemudahan bagi para pelaku eksportir di bidang nonmigas. Faktor-faktor yang diteliti, meliputi: nilai tukar, tingkat inflasi, government effectiveness, serta trade openness secara simultan berpengaruh terhadap perdagangan internasional. Namun, secara parsial faktor yang secara signifikan mempengaruhi perdagangan internasional hanya tingkat inflasi, government effectiveness, dan trade openness; sedangkan faktor nilai tukar tidak berpengaruh.]]>
<![CDATA[Negative Representative & Expressive Act in Trump’s Dominance on The United States Presidential Debate 2020 “Covid-19 Issue” ]]>
<![CDATA[Misyi Gusthini]]>;
<![CDATA[Lia Maulia Indrayani]]>;
<![CDATA[Rosaria Mita Amalia]]>;
<![CDATA[Elvi Citraresmana]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.11
<![CDATA[This article analyze the use of representative and negative expressive speech acts on the dominance of Trump's utterances in the final debate of the first United States president against Joe Biden. The data is a video transcript of the United States presidential candidate debate in September 2020, specifically the debate on the Covid-19 motion. This study focuses on the dominance of Trump's utterances which have negative expressive and representative meanings. Using a qualitative descriptive method, the writer applies Yule's theory of speech acts and Fairclough's theory of language and power, to analyze dominance based on content, relations, and subject matter. The results show that in the domination of Trump's utterances there are three negative representative datas with the function of bragging about performance results in handling the pandemic and two negative expressive datas which also have the function of boasting and pitying Biden's ignorance of several Covid-19 situations in 2020.]]>
<![CDATA[Komitmen Investasi Uni Emirat Arab (UEA) pada Indonesia Investment Authority (INA) 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Ahmad Mudhofarul Baqi]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.2
<![CDATA[This article explains the UAE commitment as the largest major investor in the INA. This commitment contrasts with the realization of UAE's investment in Indonesia, which was only U$ 0.2 million and was in the 50th position in Q1 2021, an also contrary to the Indonesia's economic performance which is experiencing contraction and the decrease of corruption perceptions index. Researcher uses explanative research methods with yield institutions approach from K.S Reddy. This study found that the UAE's commitment to invest in INA is based on influencing and resulting factors. The influencing factors related to the UAE's outward investment strategy through the ADIA, the increasing intensity of bilateral and Indonesian investment diplomacy to the UAE. and the resulting factor in term of potential returns and the UAE's economic integration in the IUAE-CEPA. This indicates that the determination of UAE`S investment drive by economic and political motives.]]>
<![CDATA[Asia Pasifik Memanas, Ancamankah bagi ASEAN dan Indonesia? ]]>
<![CDATA[Armaidy Armawi]]>;
<![CDATA[Erlan Wijatmoko]]>
<![CDATA[ Intermestic: Journal of International Studies Vol 7 No 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Padjadjaran ]]>
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DOI: 10.24198/intermestic.v7n1.17
<![CDATA[This study analyze the dynamics of security strategy in the Asia Pacific, ASEAN countries and Indonesia. There is a competition which illustrates Cohen's theory four pillars of power that influences the transformation of the geopolitical architecture of defense and security between the US and China. This study used descriptive and synthesis methods, which meant a combination of systematic thinking patterns and a problem description. Through this research, it can be concluded that, first, there is a transformation of the geopolitical architecture of defense and security in the Asia Pacific region. Second, the dispute between China with Vietnam, Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei Darussalam in the South China Sea has potential for natural resources and global economic interests. Third, the dispute in the South China Sea has led to a potential security escalation in Indonesia's maritime area. For this reason, Indonesia should enhance its Naval Power to build Indonesia's maritime security.]]>
