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Muhammad Asadullah Al Ghozi
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University of Indonesia, Gedung Tapi Omas Ihromi (B) Lantai 2 Kampus Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Pondok Cina, Kecamatan Beji, Kota Depok, Jawa Barat 16424
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Jurnal Politik
Published by Universitas Indonesia
ISSN : 24607347     EISSN : 24610615     DOI : https://doi.org/10.7454/jp
Core Subject :
Jurnal Politik is a nationally accredited journal published by the Department of Political Science, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, University of Indonesia. It was previously known as Politea: Jurnal Ilmu Politik, which was started in 2007 and then changed into Jurnal Studi Politik, which was running between 2011 until 2013 and re-published in August 2015. Jurnal Politik serves as a medium to disseminate scientific papers and various studies on contemporary politics. This journal aims to publish any kinds of popular scientific papers or research discussing either political phenomena or social and political thought. Publishing articles in this journal is the part of contributing to the development of political science. Jurnal Politik is published twice a year: in February and August. The Editorial Board of Jurnal Politik invites experts, scholars, practitioners, students, and intellectuals to submit their writings. Editors will select every manuscript submitted to Jurnal Politik using the blind reviewer mechanism from peer reviewers asked by editors. Reviewers of this journal come from national and international universities and academic institutions.
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Articles 6 Documents
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Search results for , issue "Vol. 6, No. 1" : 6 Documents clear
Voting Behavior in Indonesia: Critical Democrats Ghozi, Muhammad Asadullah Al
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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Intolerant Democrat Syndrome: The Problem of Indonesian Democratic Consolidation Mujani, Saiful
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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Abstract

Indonesia underwent democratization after more than 20 years (1998–2020), but many studies conclude that the country’s democracy is not consolidated and suffered a setback, at least in the last five years. An increase in political intolerance in society is believed to be the cause of this setback. However, studies on Indonesian political tolerance are biased and thus do not reflect actual conditions of general tolerance. This study offers a new unbiased strategy called “content-controlled measures of political tolerance” in the research on political tolerance. This strategy has been used in a series of national public opinion surveys for a relatively long period (2004–2019) and is a source of scarce data for this study. Results present a new finding that preference for democracy, as a measure of democratic consolidation at the attitudinal level, is not accompanied by political tolerance. In fact, political tolerance weakens the consolidation of democracy, which is a symptom of a condition that the author calls the “intolerant democrat syndrome.” In this syndrome, preference for democracy is hampered by political tolerance and vice versa. This syndrome makes the consolidation of Indonesian democracy difficult. Further research on the causes of the emergence of this syndrome is necessary; however, the author suspects that the current constitution contributes systematically to this syndrome.
Desa Mawacara, Negara Mawatata: Bali’s Customary Village-Based State Policies in the Time of the Covid-19 Pandemic Suryawan, I Ngurah
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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Balinese customary villages are at the center of the state’s strategy for mitigation of Covid-19. Relations between customary villages and the state predate colonial times. The historical dynamics have shown that the traditions and cultures of customary villages (desa mawacara) will always exist within the shadow of the state (negara mawatata). The symbolic narrative of desa mawacara, negara mawatata illustrates the governmentality that the state exercises over the villages. Regional Regulation No. 4/2019 on Customary Villages in Bali and the formation of the customary village-based task force were rational choices made by the Governor of Bali to place the villages at the forefront of the province’s strategy against the pandemic. This article employs Li’s (2012) adaptation of Foucault’s concept of governmentality in its analysis. Discourse analysis was conducted with regards to information extracted from mass media, indepth interviews, and participatory observation. This article argues that the state’s policies for Balinese customary villages are deeply entrenched in its long history of intervention and cooptation. During the Covid-19 pandemic, the state has been well aware of the extensive influence that customary villages hold over their communities. The state utilizes this reality to exert its authority.
Role of the Botoh as Political Brokers and Gamblers during the Tulungagung Local Election of 2018 Abiyyu, Mohammad Darry
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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Abstract

Current studies on the botoh generally focus on gambling in village-head elections (pilkades) and how its role transforms from pilkades to local elections (pilkada). However, this article defines the botoh as a political broker and gambler during the 2018 local election of Tulungagung Regency. This research found that the botoh’s way of persuading voters had a positive effect on an unfavorable candidate and helped him win. This study conducted in-depth interviews of “big” botoh, observed field operation patterns, and collected documents from related parties. The practice of gambling during pilkada is categorized into three types: ngapit, leg-leg’an, and biting. This article argues that the roles of the botoh as a political broker and gambler are caused by high-stakes gambling, compensation from candidates to be part of the campaign team, and the direct election process. In this context, candidates are likely to entrust the botoh with an important role within their campaign teams, because they are considered to understand the characteristics of voters.
Drivers of Conflict in Urban Infrastructure: Case Study of the New Yogyakarta Airport Fitriantoro, Muchamad Imam
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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Abstract

The study discusses the drivers of conflict in the construction of Yogyakarta International Airport (YIA) in Temon, Kulon Progo, using a politico-economic framework. This research employs the theory of land-based elite domination of urban growth machines and theories that explain the drivers of conflicts caused by construction and development of infrastructure. The findings of this study show that the conflict was driven by disagreements on land resource that emerged from the government’s ambition to respond to the pressure to transform the rural lands in the region into an urban area under the concepts of aerotropolis and MICE. The pressure came from the interests of local and national elite groups, which complemented the extant problem of domination of land ownership by the local political elites of Daerah Istimewa Yogyakarta. Thus, the conflict was related to not only the development of infrastructure but also a land conflict that arose from urban development policies. The other drivers of the conflict include poor governance of the project and social factors.
One Step Forward, Two Steps Back: The Retrogression of Governance Reform and Anti-corruption Measure in Indonesia 1999–2001 Juwono, Vishnu
Jurnal Politik Vol. 6, No. 1
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There were high hopes that Gus Dur, after being appointed by the People Consultative Assembly (MPR) in 1999, would bring significant governance reform and more progressive anti-corruption measures for the first time because two top leaders (Gus Dur and Megawati) were from the opposition in the New Order era. This paper attempts to evaluate the governance reform and anti-corruption measures in 1999–2001. This paper argues that there was a valuable opportunity to push for further governance reforms and a bolder anti-corruption drive, as there was a legitimate political top leadership stemming from the free-and-fair election in 1999 embodied in the appointment of Gus Dur and Megawati Soekarnoputri as president and vice president, respectively, by the Consultative People Assembly (MPR). However, the political bickering and blatant competition over state resources for the election campaign in 2004 underlying Indonesia’s former government led to a setback in several governance reform areas, including judicial reform.

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