Journal of Governance and Social Policy
The journal aims to provide an in-depth analysis of organizational, administrative, and policy science developments that apply to government and governance. Each issue brings you critical perspectives and convincing analysis, functioning as a way out for the best theoretical and research work in this field.
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<![CDATA[Dampak Public-Private Partnership di Freeport bagi Penghidupan Lokal dan Lingkungan Timika Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Khalisni Khalisni]]>;
<![CDATA[Effendi Hasan]]>;
<![CDATA[Ubaidullah Ubaidullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29488
<![CDATA[Proyek public-private partnership (PPP) memberikan kemudahan bagi pemerintah dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik. Hanya saja, tulisan ini berpandangan bahwa sektor natural resources tidak sesuai dengan model kerja PPP. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membuktikan argumen tersebut dengan cara mengangkat pengalaman PT Freeport Indonesia sebagai studi kasus. Ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada sumber data skunder. Total 117 artikel yang dihimpun, tetapi 28 yang terhubung dengan tujuan utama. Tiga pembahasan dimuat tentang idealitas PPP yang berkelanjutan sustainable, dampak PPP pada PT Freeport Indonesia bagi penghidupan masyarakat lokal dan lingkungan, dan rekomendasi kebijakan. Artikel ini menyampaikan temuan bahwa kerjasama sektor publik dan swasta untuk Freeport telah merugikan kehidupan warga lokal. Kerugian tampak pada lingkungan, sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya. Prinsip sustainable development yang identik dengan keadilan di masa sekarang tanpa mengorbankan kemampuan generasi mendatang untuk memenuhi kebutuhan mereka sendiri, jelas tidak sesuai dengan proyek PPP di sektor natural resources. Sehingga, argumen utama dalam artikel ini didukung. Studi ini menyarankan pemerintah Indonesia perlu mengkaji ulang peraturan pajak dan royalti demi meningkatkan keuntungan bagi Timika yang terkena dampak.The public-private partnership (PPP) project provides convenience for the government in administering public services. However, this paper believes that the natural resources sector needs to follow the PPP working model. This article aims to prove this argument using P.T. Freeport Indonesia's experience as a case study. This is a qualitative research based on secondary data. A total of 117 articles were collected, but 28 were linked to the main objective. Three discussions are published regarding the ideals of a sustainable PPP, the impact of PPP on P.T. Freeport Indonesia for the livelihoods of local communities and the environment, and policy recommendations. This article conveys the finding that public and private sector cooperation for Freeport has harmed the lives of residents. Losses appear in the environmental, social, economic, and cultural. The principle of sustainable development, which is synonymous with justice in the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, is not under PPP projects in the natural resources sector. Thus, the main argument in this article is supported. The study suggests that the Indonesian government needs to review tax and royalty regulations to increase profits for affected Timika.]]>
<![CDATA[Pertentangan Etnis Minoritas terhadap Agenda Politik Identitas Elite Pemerintah Aceh ]]>
<![CDATA[Ovi Amalia Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Tabah Maryanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29422
<![CDATA[Identitas masyarakat Aceh berupaya digambarkan dalam bentuk simbol tertentu, disini, elite mencoba mengidentifikasi masyarakat Aceh melalui bendera dan lambang. Langkah tersebut menimbulkan pertentangan dari kelompok masyarakat tertentu. Tulisan ini ingin mengkaji tentang fenomena sosial-politik yang ditimbulkan akibat adanya Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif-deskriptif. Alat pengumpulan data yang digunakan berupa wawancara mendalam, dimana teknik penentuan informan yang digunakan adalah teknik purposive sampling. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah reduksi data, display data, dan verifikasi data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa elite pemerintah, terutama Partai Aceh, mengidentifikasi Qanun bendera dan lambang sebagai simbol perdamaian dan sekaligus simbol pemersatu masyarakat Aceh. Namun hal tersebut ditentang oleh etnis minoritas karena tidak merepresentasikan Aceh secara menyeluruh. Walaupun begitu, respon etnik minoritas terhadap Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh terbagi menjadi dua kelompok, mendukung dan menentang. Berdasarkan penjelasan tersebut, diketahui bahwa rancangan qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh sangat dipengaruhi oleh agenda politik identitas elite pemerintah. Perbedaan pemahaman antara elite pemerintah Aceh dan kelompok etnis minoritas mengakibatkan belum efektifnya penerapan Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh di Negeri Serambi Mekkah ini. The identity of the Acehnese people seeks to be depicted in the form of certain symbols, here, the elite tries to identify the people of Aceh through flags and symbols. This step led to opposition from certain groups of people. This paper wants to examine the socio-political phenomena caused by the existence of a Qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh. The research method used is a qualitative-descriptive method. Data collection tool used in the form of in-depth interviews, where the technique of determining the informants used is purposive sampling technique. Data analysis techniques used are data reduction, data display, and data verification. The results of the study show that the government elite, especially the Aceh Party, identify the Qanun flag and symbol as a symbol of peace and at the same time a unifying symbol of the Acehnese people. However, this is opposed by ethnic minorities because they do not represent Aceh as a whole. Even so, the response of ethnic minorities to the Qanun regarding the flag and symbol of Aceh was divided into two groups, supporting and opposing. Based on this explanation, it is known that the draft qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh is heavily influenced by the political agenda of the identity of the government elite. Differences in understanding between the Aceh government elite and ethnic minority groups have resulted in the ineffective implementation of the Qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh in this Veranda of Mecca.]]>
<![CDATA[Discourse Analysis of Male Sterilization in Rwanda’s Family Planning Policy Practice ]]>
<![CDATA[Mutijima Pacifique]]>;
<![CDATA[Herizal Herizal]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
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Full PDF (230.548 KB)
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29406
<![CDATA[This article intends to analyze the discourse of male sterilization (vasectomy) in Rwanda’s family planning practice. It seeks to understand the public opinion towards the vasectomy as a birth control tool in Rwanda. The Family Planning Vision 2020 (FP2020) forum started in 2012 and more than 150 political leaders met at the London Summit on Family Planning agreed to give 120 million women in the world’s poorest countries access to contraceptives by the year 2020. Rwanda has made great achievement toward these goals and the current trend in Family Planning use is encouraging. However, despite the explanations provided by the Government of Rwanda on the necessary need of family planning, many people including the religious leaders have different understanding on the family planning especially the male sterilization. By examining the discourse on family planning practices, this article demonstrates the different perception about vasectomy operation in Rwanda. The article is based on documents analysis and uses the methodology of political discourse theory.]]>
<![CDATA[Impact of COVID-19 on Mobile Banking Adoption: Evidence from Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahad Zeya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29054
<![CDATA[Mobile banking is an example of contactless financial inclusion which comes as a blessing during the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper highlights the factors considering the adoption of mobile banking during the pandemic. The study involves demographic factors i.e. gender, occupation, and income group as well as other factors i.e. perceived ease, checklist expenditure, social protection, trust, satisfaction, and higher charge. The regression analysis has been done to observe the influence of the variables over the actual users of mobile banking in Bangladesh. COVID-19 mobile banking adoption was not influenced by demographic characteristics, as per the study's findings. Besides, higher mobile banking charges and satisfaction have a significant influence over the adoption of mobile banking during COVID-19. On the other side, perceived ease, checklist expenditure, social protection, and trust seem to have little impact on the adoption of mobile banking during COVID-19. The paper suggests that mobile banking having the features of contactless banking activity needs to be developed and made more trustworthy. Thus, the applications of mobile banking can help to accelerate the wheels of the economy despite any pandemics. ]]>
<![CDATA[Mengkaji Peluang dan Tantangan Praktik Paradiplomasi Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia di Kawasan Indo-Pasifik ]]>
<![CDATA[Risky Novialdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Saddam Rassanjani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
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Full PDF (243.026 KB)
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29450
<![CDATA[Kesadaran dalam melakukan kerjasama internasional harus ditumbuhkan oleh pemerintah pusat terhadap pemerintah daerah. Dinamisnya perkembangan dunia mengharuskan pemerintah pusat menjadi lebih terbuka dalam setiap peluang yang ada demi pembangunan yang lebih merata. Makalah ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan mengembangkan teori dan konsep dalam proses analisis berdasarkan data yang dikumpulkan dari buku, jurnal, dan sumber terbuka lainnya. Adapun tujuan utama dalam tulisan ini adalah untuk mengungkap peluang dan tantangan yang dihadapi pemerintah daerah di Indonesia dalam praktik paradiplomasi, khususnya di kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Berdasarkan hasil kajian, peluang pemerintah daerah dalam ekspansi internasional di kawasan Indo-Pasifik cukup potensial karena negara wilayah di kawasan Indo-Pasifik memiliki banyak kesamaan yang menjadi salah satu indikator krusial dalam praktik paradiplomasi. Kesempatan ini sayangnya belum berjalan secara maksimal karena banyak praktik paradiplomasi yang sejauh ini tengah berjalan hanya sampai pada tahap perjanjian bersama atau MoU saja; kemudian adanya pandemi yang membuat sejumlah hubungan bilateral terpaksa vakum; dan masalah teknis lainnya. Walupun begitu, pemerintah pusat harus terus berperan aktif dalam mendorong pemerintah daerah untuk lebih bertaji dalam kerjasama luar negeri dalam lingkup kawasan.Awareness in conducting international cooperation must be raised by the central government to local governments. The dynamic development of the world requires the central government to be more open in every opportunity that exists for a more equitable development. This paper uses qualitative research methods by developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on data collected from books, journals, and other open sources. The main objective of this paper is to uncover the opportunities and challenges faced by local governments in Indonesia in the practice of paradiplomacy, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on the results of the study, the opportunities for local governments in international expansion in the Indo-Pacific region are quite potential because regional countries in the Indo-Pacific region have many similarities which are one of the crucial indicators in the practice of paradiplomacy. Unfortunately, this opportunity has not run optimally because many para-diplomacy practices that have been running so far have only reached the stage of a collective agreement or MoU; then there was a pandemic that forced a number of bilateral relations to be vacuumed; and other technical problems. Even so, the central government must continue to play an active role in encouraging local governments to be more ambitious in foreign cooperation within the region.]]>
<![CDATA[Pertentangan Etnis Minoritas terhadap Agenda Politik Identitas Elite Pemerintah Aceh ]]>
<![CDATA[Ovi Amalia Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Tabah Maryanah]]>;
<![CDATA[Robi Cahyadi Kurniawan]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
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DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29422
<![CDATA[Identitas masyarakat Aceh berupaya digambarkan dalam bentuk simbol tertentu, disini, elite mencoba mengidentifikasi masyarakat Aceh melalui bendera dan lambang. Langkah tersebut menimbulkan pertentangan dari kelompok masyarakat tertentu. Tulisan ini ingin mengkaji tentang fenomena sosial-politik yang ditimbulkan akibat adanya Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah metode kualitatif-deskriptif. Alat pengumpulan data yang digunakan berupa wawancara mendalam, dimana teknik penentuan informan yang digunakan adalah teknik purposive sampling. Teknik analisis data yang digunakan adalah reduksi data, display data, dan verifikasi data. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa elite pemerintah, terutama Partai Aceh, mengidentifikasi Qanun bendera dan lambang sebagai simbol perdamaian dan sekaligus simbol pemersatu masyarakat Aceh. Namun hal tersebut ditentang oleh etnis minoritas karena tidak merepresentasikan Aceh secara menyeluruh. Walaupun begitu, respon etnik minoritas terhadap Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh terbagi menjadi dua kelompok, mendukung dan menentang. Berdasarkan penjelasan tersebut, diketahui bahwa rancangan qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh sangat dipengaruhi oleh agenda politik identitas elite pemerintah. Perbedaan pemahaman antara elite pemerintah Aceh dan kelompok etnis minoritas mengakibatkan belum efektifnya penerapan Qanun tentang bendera dan lambang Aceh di Negeri Serambi Mekkah ini.The identity of the Acehnese people seeks to be depicted in the form of certain symbols, here, the elite tries to identify the people of Aceh through flags and symbols. This step led to opposition from certain groups of people. This paper wants to examine the socio-political phenomena caused by the existence of a Qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh. The research method used is a qualitative-descriptive method. Data collection tool used in the form of in-depth interviews, where the technique of determining the informants used is purposive sampling technique. Data analysis techniques used are data reduction, data display, and data verification. The results of the study show that the government elite, especially the Aceh Party, identify the Qanun flag and symbol as a symbol of peace and at the same time a unifying symbol of the Acehnese people. However, this is opposed by ethnic minorities because they do not represent Aceh as a whole. Even so, the response of ethnic minorities to the Qanun regarding the flag and symbol of Aceh was divided into two groups, supporting and opposing. Based on this explanation, it is known that the draft qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh is heavily influenced by the political agenda of the identity of the government elite. Differences in understanding between the Aceh government elite and ethnic minority groups have resulted in the ineffective implementation of the Qanun on the flag and symbol of Aceh in this Veranda of Mecca.]]>
<![CDATA[Mengkaji Peluang dan Tantangan Praktik Paradiplomasi Pemerintah Daerah di Indonesia di Kawasan Indo-Pasifik ]]>
<![CDATA[Risky Novialdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Saddam Rassanjani]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29450
<![CDATA[Kesadaran dalam melakukan kerjasama internasional harus ditumbuhkan oleh pemerintah pusat terhadap pemerintah daerah. Dinamisnya perkembangan dunia mengharuskan pemerintah pusat menjadi lebih terbuka dalam setiap peluang yang ada demi pembangunan yang lebih merata. Makalah ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan mengembangkan teori dan konsep dalam proses analisis berdasarkan data yang dikumpulkan dari buku, jurnal, dan sumber terbuka lainnya. Adapun tujuan utama dalam tulisan ini adalah untuk mengungkap peluang dan tantangan yang dihadapi pemerintah daerah di Indonesia dalam praktik paradiplomasi, khususnya di kawasan Indo-Pasifik. Berdasarkan hasil kajian, peluang pemerintah daerah dalam ekspansi internasional di kawasan Indo-Pasifik cukup potensial karena negara wilayah di kawasan Indo-Pasifik memiliki banyak kesamaan yang menjadi salah satu indikator krusial dalam praktik paradiplomasi. Kesempatan ini sayangnya belum berjalan secara maksimal karena banyak praktik paradiplomasi yang sejauh ini tengah berjalan hanya sampai pada tahap perjanjian bersama atau MoU saja; kemudian adanya pandemi yang membuat sejumlah hubungan bilateral terpaksa vakum; dan masalah teknis lainnya. Walupun begitu, pemerintah pusat harus terus berperan aktif dalam mendorong pemerintah daerah untuk lebih bertaji dalam kerjasama luar negeri dalam lingkup kawasan.Awareness in conducting international cooperation must be raised by the central government to local governments. The dynamic development of the world requires the central government to be more open in every opportunity that exists for a more equitable development. This paper uses qualitative research methods by developing theories and concepts in the analysis process based on data collected from books, journals, and other open sources. The main objective of this paper is to uncover the opportunities and challenges faced by local governments in Indonesia in the practice of paradiplomacy, especially in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on the results of the study, the opportunities for local governments in international expansion in the Indo-Pacific region are quite potential because regional countries in the Indo-Pacific region have many similarities which are one of the crucial indicators in the practice of paradiplomacy. Unfortunately, this opportunity has not run optimally because many para-diplomacy practices that have been running so far have only reached the stage of a collective agreement or MoU; then there was a pandemic that forced a number of bilateral relations to be vacuumed; and other technical problems. Even so, the central government must continue to play an active role in encouraging local governments to be more ambitious in foreign cooperation within the region.]]>
<![CDATA[Dampak Public-Private Partnership di Freeport bagi Penghidupan Lokal dan Lingkungan Timika Papua ]]>
<![CDATA[Khalisni Khalisni]]>;
<![CDATA[Effendi Hasan]]>;
<![CDATA[Ubaidullah Ubaidullah]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29488
<![CDATA[Proyek public-private partnership (PPP) memberikan kemudahan bagi pemerintah dalam penyelenggaraan pelayanan publik. Hanya saja, tulisan ini berpandangan bahwa sektor natural resources tidak sesuai dengan model kerja PPP. Artikel ini bertujuan untuk membuktikan argumen tersebut dengan cara mengangkat pengalaman PT Freeport Indonesia sebagai studi kasus. Ini merupakan penelitian kualitatif yang berbasis pada sumber data skunder. Total 117 artikel yang dihimpun, tetapi 28 yang terhubung dengan tujuan utama. Tiga pembahasan dimuat tentang idealitas PPP yang berkelanjutan sustainable, dampak PPP pada PT Freeport Indonesia bagi penghidupan masyarakat lokal dan lingkungan, dan rekomendasi kebijakan. Artikel ini menyampaikan temuan bahwa kerjasama sektor publik dan swasta untuk Freeport telah merugikan kehidupan warga lokal. Kerugian tampak pada lingkungan, sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya. Prinsip sustainable development yang identik dengan keadilan di masa sekarang tanpa mengorbankan kemampuan generasi mendatang untuk memenuhi kebutuhan mereka sendiri, jelas tidak sesuai dengan proyek PPP di sektor natural resources. Sehingga, argumen utama dalam artikel ini didukung. Studi ini menyarankan pemerintah Indonesia perlu mengkaji ulang peraturan pajak dan royalti demi meningkatkan keuntungan bagi Timika yang terkena dampak.The public-private partnership (PPP) project provides convenience for the government in administering public services. However, this paper believes that the natural resources sector needs to follow the PPP working model. This article aims to prove this argument using P.T. Freeport Indonesia's experience as a case study. This is a qualitative research based on secondary data. A total of 117 articles were collected, but 28 were linked to the main objective. Three discussions are published regarding the ideals of a sustainable PPP, the impact of PPP on P.T. Freeport Indonesia for the livelihoods of local communities and the environment, and policy recommendations. This article conveys the finding that public and private sector cooperation for Freeport has harmed the lives of residents. Losses appear in the environmental, social, economic, and cultural. The principle of sustainable development, which is synonymous with justice in the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs, is not under PPP projects in the natural resources sector. Thus, the main argument in this article is supported. The study suggests that the Indonesian government needs to review tax and royalty regulations to increase profits for affected Timika.]]>
<![CDATA[Discourse Analysis of Male Sterilization in Rwandas Family Planning Policy Practice ]]>
<![CDATA[Mutijima Pacifique]]>;
<![CDATA[Herizal Herizal]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29406
<![CDATA[This article intends to analyze the discourse of male sterilization (vasectomy) in Rwandas family planning practice. It seeks to understand the public opinion towards the vasectomy as a birth control tool in Rwanda. The Family Planning Vision 2020 (FP2020) forum started in 2012 and more than 150 political leaders met at the London Summit on Family Planning agreed to give 120 million women in the worlds poorest countries access to contraceptives by the year 2020. Rwanda has made great achievement toward these goals and the current trend in Family Planning use is encouraging. However, despite the explanations provided by the Government of Rwanda on the necessary need of family planning, many people including the religious leaders have different understanding on the family planning especially the male sterilization. By examining the discourse on family planning practices, this article demonstrates the different perception about vasectomy operation in Rwanda. The article is based on documents analysis and uses the methodology of political discourse theory.]]>
<![CDATA[Impact of COVID-19 on Mobile Banking Adoption: Evidence from Bangladesh ]]>
<![CDATA[Fahad Zeya]]>
<![CDATA[ Journal of Governance and Social Policy Vol 3, No 2 (2022): DECEMBER 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Government Studies, Universitas Syiah Kuala ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
|
Original Source
|
Check in Google Scholar
|
DOI: 10.24815/gaspol.v3i2.29054
<![CDATA[Mobile banking is an example of contactless financial inclusion which comes as a blessing during the COVID-19 pandemic. The paper highlights the factors considering the adoption of mobile banking during the pandemic. The study involves demographic factors i.e. gender, occupation, and income group as well as other factors i.e. perceived ease, checklist expenditure, social protection, trust, satisfaction, and higher charge. The regression analysis has been done to observe the influence of the variables over the actual users of mobile banking in Bangladesh. COVID-19 mobile banking adoption was not influenced by demographic characteristics, as per the study's findings. Besides, higher mobile banking charges and satisfaction have a significant influence over the adoption of mobile banking during COVID-19. On the other side, perceived ease, checklist expenditure, social protection, and trust seem to have little impact on the adoption of mobile banking during COVID-19. The paper suggests that mobile banking having the features of contactless banking activity needs to be developed and made more trustworthy. Thus, the applications of mobile banking can help to accelerate the wheels of the economy despite any pandemics.]]>
