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The Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
ISSN : 28292731     EISSN : 28292731     DOI : https://doi.org/10.54490/apjed.v1i01
Core Subject : Humanities, Social,
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy (APJED) invites theoretical, empirical, and policy-relevant submissions that cover various aspects of electoral processes and/or problems of democratization in Asia-Pacific. APJED has a multidisciplinary focus, and we, therefore, accept manuscripts grounded in political science, economics, anthropology, cultural and gender studies, history and other related fields. We also have a broad understanding of democracy, ranging from the dynamics of grassroots activism to the operations of elite politics. APJED welcomes both single-country and cross-national comparative studies. APJED practices peer review; the editors-in-chief first conduct an initial review and, if considered of sufficient quality, subsequently send the submission to external referee(s).
Articles 14 Documents
Political Financing and It’s Impact on The Quality of Democracy in Southeast Asia Deasy Simandjuntak
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 01 (2021): Inaugural Issue (January - June)
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (474.091 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.5

Abstract

Across the region, it is generally assumed that funding for parties and campaigns derives from sources such as membership fees, voluntary work by members and/or financial contributions by wealthy individual and interest groups. Yet what are the similarities and differences among the regimes and practices of political financing the region, and how do we understand the quality of democracy by looking at their political financing? Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand and Myanmar have had their elections in the past three years. The article gives an overview of the countries’ political financing regimes and/or practices to identify common denominators as well as draw linkage between political financing sources and democratic quality.
The Urgency to Prevent Illicit Political Party Fundraising Through the Anti-Money Laundering Regime in Indonesia Nathalina Naibaho; Patricia Rinwigati; Ahmad Ghozi
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 01 (2021): Inaugural Issue (January - June)
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (510.387 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.8

Abstract

An election is a democratic process, which is both costly and cumbersome for anyone who wishes to participate. Existing practices, precisely in Indonesia, show that both political parties as well as candidates often need to raise funds to finance their campaign and/or their programs, as well as to ensure the sustainability of their political parties. The Indonesian law states various financial resources in which a political party can raise. Nevertheless, it does not set the limitations and restrictions, particularly on ways to identify and monitor where funds come from. Hence, there has been a fear that political parties may use this loophole to conduct money laundering. It is argued that while the money laundry regime can be used to prevent conspicuous practices related to political financing, a legal framework has yet to be designed and implemented.
Conceptualizing Party Financing Legislation in Malaysia: Between Normative and Reality Azmil Tayeb; Dineskumar Ragu
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 01 (2021): Inaugural Issue (January - June)
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (531.57 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.9

Abstract

How political parties finance their operations is not well regulated in Malaysia. There is no specific law that oversees the myriad ways political parties raise funds and to what purpose they are used. This stands in contrast to neighboring Indonesia and the Philippines, where there are laws that regulate party financing. As a result, corruption in the name of political donations is rampant in Malaysia, the infamous one being the 1MDB scandal that presently ensnares the former Prime Minister, Najib Razak. However, absence of a law that regulates party financing and the inability of the current government to enact one does not mean that Malaysia should sideline the importance of keeping political parties in line with democratic norms. In this article we argue for a normative party financing model based on five criteria if Malaysia is to promulgate a legislation to regulate political parties’ finances. We suggest the proposed legislation should incorporate reporting mechanism that enforces transparency and accountability; level playing field that allows common people and smaller parties to have a stronger voice in politics; reducing patronage politics; easing ethnoreligious tensions; and establishing clear separation between business and politics. We interviewed numerous party representatives, academics, and Election Commission official to solicit their inputs on the substance and viability of this proposed party funding legislation based on the abovementioned five criteria. The article ends with a set of recommendations on the ways to move forward with this proposed legislation or its iterations, both at the federal and state levels.
A Disproportionately Unequal Playing Field: Challenges To and Prospect For Campaign Finance Law and Policy in The Philippines Patricia Blardony Miranda
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 01 (2021): Inaugural Issue (January - June)
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (511.917 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.10

Abstract

In the Philippines, the influence of money poses a challenge to political participation and representation of socially excluded, lesser-known, and historically underfunded candidates. Marginalized people and sectoral groups have to cope with discrimination alongside hurdling additional barriers of limited access to economic resources and rising campaign costs. Using Carol Bacchi’s “what is the problem represented to be?” (WPR) approach, this paper primarily interrogates how equal access to opportunities for public service is defined and represented in Philippine campaign finance law and policy. The approach also offers a conceptual framework that helps surface what remains ‘unproblematized’ by existing policy discussions and narratives. This paper contends that challenges to electoral integrity, accountability, and transparency in campaign finance are not solely due to ineffective implementation and enforcement. The WPR approach enables us to reflect on how existing policy interventions or responses to what the law identifies as problematic can also entrench elite power and replicate uneven power dynamics evident in Philippine society. Thus, for campaign finance laws to promote, rather than block, political participation and representation, additional attention must be given to the assumptions, policy gaps, and silences that give rise to anti-competitive, corrupt, and disempowering practices and norms. The resulting analysis may prove useful for outlining avenues for future law reform and policy advocacy efforts, but invite the imagining of alternative and inclusive proposals to ensure that the ability to run for public office rests on merit and ability, rather than access to financial influence and resources.
Examining the Level of Accountability and Transparency with Respect to Political Party Financing in Timor Leste Celso da Fonseca; Joel Mark Baysa-Barredo
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 01 (2021): Inaugural Issue (January - June)
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (460.376 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i01.11

Abstract

The democratization process in Timor-Leste as a post-conflict country, developing economy and fragile state requires good governance, accountability, and transparency. In this light, political actors, such as parties, are expected to play an essential role in this achievement. However, accountability and transparency of the political parties’ funding and financial execution remain questionable in this tiny, young nation. There are a number of legal safeguards to ensure political party accountability and transparency concerning fund acquisition and use. However, it can be argued that monitoring financial status of political parties has been challenging, as sources have never been fully publicly revealed nor scrutinized. This has serious implications on the level of accountability and transparency amongst political actors, as well as, on the democratic process in Timor-Leste, as a whole. There is, indeed, a need for systemic reform, particularly in the area of publishing and auditing financial activities of political parties. Judicial and investigative functions of relevant State agencies have to be either developed or fortified. On a more philosophical sense, Timor Leste’s political actors are expected more aware about and fully committed to their roles and responsibilities towards the country’s democratization and the attainment of a well-informed and empowered society.
Book Review: Democracy in Indonesia: From Stagnation to Regression? Edited by: Thomas Power and Eve Warburton Naimah Talib
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 02 (2021): Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (99.061 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.14

Abstract

THE ROLE OF OLIGARCHY IN LOCAL ELECTIONS FUNDING: A CASE STUDY OF CENTRAL SULAWESI La Husen Zuada; Yulizar Pramudika Tawil; M. Kafrawi
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 02 (2021): Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (491.827 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.17

Abstract

How do oligarchs finance local elections, and what motivates their involvement? This study aims to examine the involvement of oligarchs in funding elections campaigns in Central Sulawesi. The research design uses case studies. This study found that oligarchs were, directly and indirectly, involved in local election activities. They become part of candidates’ campaign teams, finance political activities, play a role in issuing parties’ recommendations, mobilise mass campaigns, pay political consultants, control public opinion, distribute social assistance and design political parties coalitions. The involvement of oligarchs in local election activities is motivated by their desire to promote political parties in Central Sulawesi and the interests of running a business. This orientation of growing political parties is more dominant in influencing oligarchs to be involved in local elections, rather than the orientation of maintaining their business continuity. This finding shows that there is a shift in the orientation of entrepreneurs in providing political support. From previously conducting such support secretly, now oligarchs are bolder to appear in public as administrators of political parties, success teams and supporting political financing.
Transitional Justice in Southeast Asia: Theory and Practice Aulia Nastiti
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 02 (2021): Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (268.103 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.21

Abstract

The issue of transitional justice has largely evaded the theoretical discussion on the democratization in Southeast Asian context despite the importance of coming to terms with the history of abuse and violence of the past authoritarian regimes. This article fills out this lacuna by incorporating the regional analysis of transitional justice process in several Southeast Asian countries to the larger and mainstream theories of transitional justices that are developed from other contexts. Using the case of transitional justice in Cambodia, East Timor, the Philippines, and Indonesia, this article found that the two most predominant accounts in the literature – the “balance of power” and the “justice cascade” theories – are inadequate to explain the conditions of emergence of the transitional justice and the kind of justice measure that the state would adopt. In turn, studies of empirical cases in these four Southeast Asian countries shed light on three plausible factors previously overlooked in the literatures: a) the distinctive, locally based, notion of justice; b) the frame and narrative of legitimacy of past violence; and c) the degree of complicity and entrenchment of current ruling elites in the past conflict.
SECRETS AND POWER IN MYANMAR: INTELLIGENCE AND THE FALL OF GENERAL KHIN NYUNT BY ANDREW SELTH. Adhi Priamarizki
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 1 No. 02 (2021): Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (81.882 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v1i02.24

Abstract

THE IMPACTS OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL CONTEXT ON SHAPING DEMOCRATIC CULTURE VIA TEACHING HUMAN RIGHTS IN HIGHER EDUCATION OF MYANMAR May Thida Aung
Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy Vol. 2 No. 01 (2022): Asia-Pacific Journal of Elections and Democracy
Publisher : Association for Elections and Democracy (Perludem)

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (247.24 KB) | DOI: 10.54490/apjed.v2i01.39

Abstract

A number of reforms followed Myanmar’s political transformation in 2011, including the introduction of human rights courses in the higher education system in the 2016/17 academic year. This study argues that the legacy of prolonged military regimes and the social context limits the practical teaching of human rights in the classroom. This study evaluates how university lecturers taught human rights between 2015-2020 and how it influenced the contents of the subject and the way of delivering human rights knowledge even under the democratically elected government. The study finds that many lecturers were hesitant to engage in a deep discussion on politically and socially sensitive issues because academic freedom is still relatively fragile, even though the National Education Law 2014 and National Education Strategic Plan (2016~2021) guarantee academic freedom. Furthermore, the study-centered learning approach was challenging due to the unfamiliarity of the methods by both students and lecturers. The study suggests improving the quality of human rights teaching to support the sustainability of democratic culture in Myanmar.

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