Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan
Journal of Government and Politics ISBN:1907-8374 Online: 2337-8220 is the journal published biannually by the Department of Government Affairs and Administration, Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta, Indonesia collaborate with Asia Pacific Society For Public Affairs (APSPA) and Asosiasi Dosen Ilmu Pemerintahan Indonesia (ADIPSI). The journal aims to publish research articles within the broad field of public policy, public organization and administration, governance and democracy.
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<![CDATA[MANDATES AND WHEREWITHALS: THE RESEARCH-TEACHING NEXUS IN GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN THE MSU-ILIGAN INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, PHILIPPINES ]]>
<![CDATA[SIMEON, CHANDA PEARL BARIMBAO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.536-555
<![CDATA[The Philippines has maneuvered a capillary effect of its commitment to gender equality through various domestic legislations. Gender and Development (GAD) has thus become a matter of State policy.Pursuant to a mandated policy on gender equality, this study focuses on the experience of MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology (MSU-IIT) in mainstreaming GAD in the curriculum. The aim is to evaluate policy implementation and employs the Research and Teaching (R-T) nexus as the theoretical frame. Purposive sampling was done for respondents among the faculty and students and data were gathered through in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussion (FGD).The College of Arts and Social Sciences (CASS) have integrated GAD in two ways - through the incorporation of a subject in its programs, or as an approach to teaching through faculty initiative corroborating what Annala and Makinen (2011) referred as “personified curriculumâ€. The findings reflect the crucial nexus between the conduct of GAD researches to teaching and the subjectivity in the process, contingent as it was on the competence of the teacher.The study recommends the provision of the wherewithal for teachers through a retooling process involving trainings and the development of a common GAD module. A required GAD subject for all students is likewise recommended to ensure the delivery of a certain level of uniformity in imparting the basic minimum.]]>
<![CDATA[Women Leadership: A Comparative Study between Indonesia and Greece ]]>
<![CDATA[KYVELO KOKKALIALI, LYDIA KANELLI]]>;
<![CDATA[Nurhaeni, Ismi Dwi Astuti]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.514-535
<![CDATA[One manifestation of women’s leadership is their representation in politics. Although regulation for their participation is implemented, representation in elected office is lower than anticipated. This article discusses women’s representation as leaders in strategic positions, the challenges of affirmative action regulation and the cultural barriers they face in Indonesia and Greece. The study was conducted in Indonesia and Greece, with documentation method as data collection technique such as: affirmative action regulation on women’s participation in strategic positions and official statistics of women in office. Mix methods employed for data analysis. The findings show three results. Firstly, there are differences in the representation of women as leaders both in numbers and strategic positions held between the two countries. The number of women representatives in parliament in Indonesia is lower than that of Greece, with 17 % and 20% respectively. However, the most important position obtained by a woman in Indonesia is state leader, whilst in Greece is merely minister. Secondly, both countries have implemented legislation for affirmative action regulating the percentage of women candidates. The challenge is how to ensure a raise of women representation as leaders in strategic positions. Finally, women still face cultural barriers such as stereotyping, marginalization and sub-ordination. Civic education providing skills and gender sensitivity concerning leadership for men and women can outdo the barriers. Concluding, differences of women’s leadership in Indonesia and Greece are seen in their number, position, regulation and cultural barriers. This study recommends both countries to conduct regulation concerning women’s representation, not candidacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Coordination in Protected Forest Management in Indonesia: An Application of Soft Systems Methodology ]]>
<![CDATA[DARMANTO, DARMANTO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0055.442-466
<![CDATA[Coordination is a very complex problem that has occurred in the management of protected forest in Indonesia.  The purpose of this study is to elucidate  how the Soft Systems Methodology (SSM) is used as a basis for rearranging coordination in the management of protected forest.  SSM demonstrates various aspects of coordination to be addressed and concrete steps that decision makers in the management of protected forest should make. Using the case example of protected forest management in Wonosobo Regency, Central Java, Indonesia, this study suggests that there are 9 steps to be considered in coordinating the management of protected forest. The findings of this study are relevant to decision makers in which the stages in SSM can assist decision makers to address problems in the coordination of protected forest management.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Polarization based on Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial ]]>
<![CDATA[UBAID, AHMAD HASAN]]>;
<![CDATA[SUBANDI, H.B HABIBI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[According to a research conducted by Anis Baswedan, Saiful Mujani and R. Will- iam Liddle, political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation had a mod- erate and pluralistic character. But this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among vot- ers in the elections. In this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election provide strong evidence that sup- ports the idea of ideological polarization. We apply the root cause model presented by Veldhuis and Staun to understand how Islamic radicalization occurs in the Jakarta election. In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. We found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. Political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. It has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. Hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that Indonesian democracy is pro- gressing towards illiberal democracy. ]]>
<![CDATA[The Practices of Political Patronage and Clientelism of the Democrat Party in the 2014 Legislative Election in Ponorogo Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[FIKRI, HAIDAR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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<![CDATA[The Democrat Party in Ponorogo Regency still exists despite cases of corruption that ensnared some national political actors. The Ponorogo Regency attracted the attention of many parties and candidates, including that of the Democratic Party, during the legislative elections in 2014. This concern included candidate efforts to transform the party through the provision of patronage material in diverse forms such as a unique distribution process, and a variety of patronage models. This research was conducted to determine the practice of patronage politics of the Democrat Party in the Ponorogo Regency in 2014. The theory used for this research on the practice of patronage is the theory of patronage and clientelism according to the variables offered by James Scott. The qualitative research methods are data collection interviews, and documentation and re- ports related to the elections in Ponorogo. The results of this study suggest that the practice of patronage in Ponorogo conducted by the Democrat’s candidate is very diverse, ranging from the use of money given to voters, the provision of public goods targeting social groups such as farmers and youth organizations on the assumption that they were impressionable on an emotional level, and giving pork barrels in the form of road construction and irrigation disbursed through the BKAD (Inter-agency Cooperation Board). Patronage is certainly dis- tributed through clientelism networks such as successful teams that have been prepared since before the election, a network of social groups that utilize a warok, considered a person who has a wise and exalted nature and takes advantage of the village elite. This is a political machine that runs a network to help distribute patronage so that it becomes clientelistic. The interest of this study is the associa- tion between patronage and clientelism that is fused with the local culture of the Ponorogo community and was mobilized in the legislative election in 2014.]]>
<![CDATA[Exploratory Study on the Relationship between Good Public Governance and National Competitiveness ]]>
<![CDATA[HANDOYO, SOFIK]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.493-513
<![CDATA[This study aims to examine empirically the relationship between good public governance and national competitiveness. The motivation behind the study was the desire to answer a cosmic question regarding the association between the implementation of good public governance and the capability of a country to compete in the global market. An exploratory research design was applied in this study. Public governance and national competitiveness were treated as two in- dependent variables. Public governance was broken down into attributes, namely public accountability, government effectiveness, the quality of government regulation, government control toward corruption, the rule of law and a country’s political stability. The World Governance Index (WGI) was used to measure public governance. Meanwhile, the Global Competitiveness Index (GCI) was adopted to measure national competitiveness. Bivariate correlation analysis was applied in this study and involved 140 countries that are officially listed as World Bank members. The findings concluded that public governance had a positive association with national competitiveness. All attributes of public governance showed a positive and significant correlation with national competitiveness. Statistical analysis using Pearson correlation indicated that all public governance attributes indicated a solid correlation (r 0.6, p 0.01) except for political stability (r = 0.585, p 0.01) and public accountability (r= 0.541, p 0.01). Although the results revealed that not all public governance attributes had a strong correlation with national competitiveness, the nature of the correlation has already been justified. The results imply that if the government implements good public governance practice, it might have a positive impact on the capability of the nation to create power to compete with other countries in the global market .]]>
<![CDATA[MANDATES AND WHEREWITHALS: THE RESEARCH-TEACHING NEXUS IN GENDER MAINSTREAMING IN THE MSU-ILIGAN INSTITUTE OF TECHNOLOGY, PHILIPPINES ]]>
<![CDATA[CHANDA PEARL BARIMBAO SIMEON]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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Download Original
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0057.536-555
<![CDATA[The Philippines has maneuvered a capillary effect of its commitment to gender equality through various domestic legislations. Gender and Development (GAD) has thus become a matter of State policy.Pursuant to a mandated policy on gender equality, this study focuses on the experience of MSU-Iligan Institute of Technology (MSU-IIT) in mainstreaming GAD in the curriculum. The aim is to evaluate policy implementation and employs the Research and Teaching (R-T) nexus as the theoretical frame. Purposive sampling was done for respondents among the faculty and students and data were gathered through in-depth interviews and Focus Group Discussion (FGD).The College of Arts and Social Sciences (CASS) have integrated GAD in two ways - through the incorporation of a subject in its programs, or as an approach to teaching through faculty initiative corroborating what Annala and Makinen (2011) referred as “personified curriculum”. The findings reflect the crucial nexus between the conduct of GAD researches to teaching and the subjectivity in the process, contingent as it was on the competence of the teacher.The study recommends the provision of the wherewithal for teachers through a retooling process involving trainings and the development of a common GAD module. A required GAD subject for all students is likewise recommended to ensure the delivery of a certain level of uniformity in imparting the basic minimum.]]>
<![CDATA[The Practices of Political Patronage and Clientelism of the Democrat Party in the 2014 Legislative Election in Ponorogo Regency ]]>
<![CDATA[FIKRI, HAIDAR]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0056.467-492
<![CDATA[The Democrat Party in Ponorogo Regency still exists despite cases of corruption that ensnared some national political actors. The Ponorogo Regency attracted the attention of many parties and candidates, including that of the Democratic Party, during the legislative elections in 2014. This concern included candidate efforts to transform the party through the provision of patronage material in diverse forms such as a unique distribution process, and a variety of patronage models. This research was conducted to determine the practice of patronage politics of the Democrat Party in the Ponorogo Regency in 2014. The theory used for this research on the practice of patronage is the theory of patronage and clientelism according to the variables offered by James Scott. The qualitative research methods are data collection interviews, and documentation and re- ports related to the elections in Ponorogo. The results of this study suggest that the practice of patronage in Ponorogo conducted by the Democrat’s candidate is very diverse, ranging from the use of money given to voters, the provision of public goods targeting social groups such as farmers and youth organizations on the assumption that they were impressionable on an emotional level, and giving pork barrels in the form of road construction and irrigation disbursed through the BKAD (Inter-agency Cooperation Board). Patronage is certainly dis- tributed through clientelism networks such as successful teams that have been prepared since before the election, a network of social groups that utilize a warok, considered a person who has a wise and exalted nature and takes advantage of the village elite. This is a political machine that runs a network to help distribute patronage so that it becomes clientelistic. The interest of this study is the associa- tion between patronage and clientelism that is fused with the local culture of the Ponorogo community and was mobilized in the legislative election in 2014.]]>
<![CDATA[Coordination in Protected Forest Management in Indonesia: An Application of Soft Systems Methodology ]]>
<![CDATA[DARMANTO DARMANTO]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
Show Abstract
|
Download Original
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Original Source
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0055.442-466
<![CDATA[Coordination is a very complex problem that has occurred in the management of protected forest in Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to elucidate how the Soft Systems Methodology (SSM) is used as a basis for rearranging coordination in the management of protected forest. SSM demonstrates various aspects of coordination to be addressed and concrete steps that decision makers in the management of protected forest should make. Using the case example of protected forest management in Wonosobo Regency, Central Java, Indonesia, this study suggests that there are 9 steps to be considered in coordinating the management of protected forest. The findings of this study are relevant to decision makers in which the stages in SSM can assist decision makers to address problems in the coordination of protected forest management.]]>
<![CDATA[Political Polarization based on Religious Identities: Empirical Evidence from the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial ]]>
<![CDATA[AHMAD HASAN UBAID]]>;
<![CDATA[H.B HABIBI SUBANDI]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Studi Pemerintahan Vol 8, No 4 (2017): November 2017 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.18196/jgp.2017.0054.411-441
<![CDATA[According to a research conducted by Anis Baswedan, Saiful Mujani and R. Will- iam Liddle, political Islam in Indonesia during the post Reformation had a mod- erate and pluralistic character. But this qualitative case study finds that a new phenomenon of polarization based on religious identities emerges among vot- ers in the elections. In this article we argue that the results of the second round of the 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election provide strong evidence that sup- ports the idea of ideological polarization. We apply the root cause model presented by Veldhuis and Staun to understand how Islamic radicalization occurs in the Jakarta election. In line with the argument of Mainwaring and Torcal, we also argue that due to weak institutionalization, political parties did not play a dominant role in shaping the sharp ideological gap among voters. We found that polarization of identity based on religiosity occurred due to social dynamics that were manufactured by campaign strategies and staff, politicians, and religious leaders. Political marketing strategies in the event of elections have, in fact, blatantly exploited the issue of religion as a political weapon in elections. It has led to the resurgence of religious identity in entering the political debate. Hence growing intolerance and conflicts based on religious identities during elections may have provided initial evidence to support the idea that Indonesian democracy is pro- gressing towards illiberal democracy. ]]>
