cover
Article Per Year (5 Year)
All
Home Page
OAI Link
Editorial Team
Contact
Reviewer
Google Scholar
Contact Name
-
Contact Email
-
Phone
-
Journal Mail Official
-
Editorial Address
-
Location
Kab. sleman,
Daerah istimewa yogyakarta
INDONESIA
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik
Published by Universitas Gadjah Mada
ISSN : 14104946     EISSN : 25027883     DOI : -
Core Subject : Social,
Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences
Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik (JSP) is an open access, and peer-reviewed journal. Our main goal is to disseminate current and original articles from researchers and practitioners on various contemporary social and political issues: gender politics and identity, digital society and disruption, civil society movement, community welfare, social development, citizenship and public management, public policy innovation, international politics & security, media, information & literacy, politics, governance & democracy, radicalism and terrorism. JSP is published three times a year.
Arjuna Subject : -
Articles 7 Documents
 1 
Search results for , issue "Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November" : 7 Documents clear
Polarization of Indonesian Society during 2014-2020: Causes and Its Impacts toward Democracy Wasisto Raharjo Jati
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.66057

Abstract

Polarization was widely used in a large number of publications on Indonesian political studies from 2014 to 2020. This term particularly refers to the divisive society condition because of different political preferences. Previously, polarization is rare to use to frame Indonesian electoral competition since both parties and candidates counted on ideological spectrum. Since the personalization of politics have been flourishing recently, it drives identity to be marker when it comes to evaluating the candidates. This condition, consequently, makes the election is not merely political competition for power but emotional competition for lives. For the last six years, there were three major elections, including the 2014 Presidential Election, 2017 Jakarta Gubernatorial Election, and 2019 Presidential Election. These three elections had a significant factor in polarizing society at that given time. They specifically referred to the two leading figures that represented the two stark political identity symbols. However, after 2018, the polarization of society itself seemed under control since the ruling regime coalitions and their social groups and allies worked together. It was meant to manage the effect of polarization and also to corner the opposition groups. While the clashes of views still exist, the situation would be worse if the 3 elections had not happened.
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict Beyond Resolution: A Critical Assessment Fadhila Inas Pratiwi; M. Aryo Rasil Syarafi; Demas Nauvarian
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.66935

Abstract

Of all the inter-state conflict currently happening in different regions of the world, the Israel- Palestine conflict has stood the test of time to become one of the longest and most impactful. Despite numerous attempts to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, both parties have persisted, mainly showing a lack of compromise and commitment. This paper aims to analyze the underlying reason to the various unsuccessful attempts of Israel-Palestine conflict resolutions. This paper argues that there are four core issues that become object of negotiation in each attempt: borders, security, Jerusalem, and refugees. This paper assesses each party’s stances on these four issues and how they shape the negotiation process. This is done through an empirical generalization by inductive methodology, using library studies as a data collection method. This paper concludes that there should be an ideational change to compromise within the domestic politics of both parties to make future conflict resolution possible.
Gender Determinant on Multidimensional Poverty Index: Evidence from Indonesia Thomas Soseco; Isnawati Hidayah; Ayu Dwidyah Rini
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.69320

Abstract

Poverty measurement from a non-monetary aspect is needed as low-income individuals are not always multidimensionally poor, and vice versa. The focus should also be on the gender determinant potentially related to the inequality in wage, labour market, and the return of education, which can influence the household’s ability to achieve a higher standard of living and alleviate poverty. This paper discovers the contribution of gender determinants to multidimensional poverty conditions in Indonesia. This paper used logit estimation using National Socioeconomics Survey (Susenas) 2018. The data show that approximately 10% of the Indonesian population is considered vulnerably poor, and severely poor is 3%. The vulnerably and severely poor individuals are mostly measured from years of schooling, health insurance ownership, and assets ownership. Moreover, we find that variables of household size, dependency ratio, and household head age are the better explanators of poverty’s vulnerability. However, those variables cannot explain severe poverty among female- and male-headed households, even though female-headed households are more prone to falling into poverty situations. Then, the decomposition results show that our selected variables explain the probability of being vulnerable poor. However, the probability of being severely poor is largely determined by unobservable behaviour domination not included in the study.
Gendered-Perspective Agile Leadership in the VUCA Era During the Covid-19 Pandemic Ismi D. A. Nurhaeni; Asbiyal Nurdin; Prama Wiratama; Yusuf Kurniawan
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.70490

Abstract

This study was to formulate a gender-responsive agile leadership model during the Covid-19 pandemic. A systematic literature review using PRISMA methods and field research on 18 purposely selected mid-level managers was conducted. The research discovers that first, agile leadership characteristics can be classified into individual and organizational dimensions. Individual characteristics include the personal values of agile leaders with good personalities. Organizational characteristics are characteristics to maintain and bring the organization to face a fast-changing and uncertain world. Second, the characteristics of gender-perspective leadership in the Covid-19 era are the commitment to change the management system, organizational culture, and the quality of leadership to promote gender equity. Finally, the Gendered-Perspective Agile Leadership model in the VUCA era during the Covid-19 pandemic is a leadership model that can quickly respond to gender issues through management system change, organizational culture, and character development of leaders oriented to individual and organizational characteristics. Individually trained leader characters are supposed to be intelligent, optimistic, communicative, accountable and compassionate, while organizationally oriented leader characters are adaptive, responsive, innovative, flexible, and transparent. This paper uses thematic analysis to fill the gap of the gendered-perspective agile leadership model by exploring the characteristics of gendered- perspective agile leadership in the COVID- 19 era.
The Role of Information and Communication Technology for Economic Sustainability through Social Entrepreneurship Practices in Indonesia: A Preliminary Study Lisa Lindawati
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.71796

Abstract

ICT provides an environment that encourages the development of social entrepreneurship. Regarding its definition, social entrepreneurship is the “third way” of the two sectors running dichotomously: business entities that tend to be profitable and social institutions that are not profit-oriented. The social business carries out business activities with a social mission. Social movements were at different poles from profit-seeking efforts in the past, and digital technology enabled them to achieve them simultaneously. One of the supporting factors is its ability to reduce production, distribution, and even promotion costs. On the other hand, ICT allows social entrepreneurs to amplify their stories. There are no fundamental differences between commercial and social business activities. Both of them produce goods or services. The distinguishing elements are how they do business, the actors involved, and the eventual pursuit. If the commercial company tends to profit, social enterprise talks about social impact. Profit is a medium or tool to have a social impact on business. In the last five years, social entrepreneurship trends have maturated in Indonesia. This trend attracts researchers to take a deeper look at the sustainability aspects brought by social entrepreneurs. As preliminary research, this study explores how social entrepreneurship supports economic sustainability.
What Do Opinion Leaders Share from the New Normal on Twitter?: A Qualitative Content Analysis Fitrah Yusharyani Puluhulawa; Rajiyem Rajiyem
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.71844

Abstract

The question of what kind of content people share on social media is brought up by the COVID-19 pandemic and new normal policy. The government's well-coordinated campaign and the opposition's harsh comments are two of the reasons Indonesians actively utilize Twitter in relation to the new normal. This study intends to characterize and evaluate the presentation of new normal messages by opinion leaders on Twitter between May 16 and 29, 2020, since opinion leaders have historically been the network's active pioneers on a topic. The theories used for this study are self-presentation, opinion leaders, and the social media approach. The accounts of opinion leaders are determined through Drone Emprit's release of Top 100 New Normal Influencers, which then, generated six profiles: @haikal_hassan, @haris_azhar, @msaid_didu, @ridwankamil, @ismailfahmi, and @kurawa. The qualitative content analysis method was employed in this study with inductive reasoning. The findings revealed seven categories of new normal statements by opinion leaders, which corresponded to three key speech themes: 1) economic issues, 2) the implementation order of new normal life, and 3) negative sentiments. Additionally, we discovered that when opinion leaders create online personas, they do not aim to transcend the most fundamental parts of their backstage selves. Instead, they establish personas and personalities that are based on the same characters from the offline world. Meanwhile, this study suggests how the data might be useful for the Government, to consider the capacity of text-based platforms to help them learn about behaviors and needs during or even post-pandemic.
Democratic regression in Indonesia: Police and low-capacity democracy in Jokowi's administration (2014–2020) Sarah Nuraini Siregar; Riaty Raffiudin; Firman Noor
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.72129

Abstract

Discussions about democratisation have often revolved around the strengthening or weakening phenomenon/notion of democracy. This research is a continuation of previous studies on democratic regression in Indonesia. Charles Tilly (2007) examined democratic regression from democracy and de-democratization theory through the concept of low-capacity democracy. Tilly's perspective argues a low-capacity democratic process occurred during the Joko Widodo administration in Indonesia from 2014 to 2020 when the state implemented the Police as a political instrument to maintain power. As a result, the character of the Police deviated from democratic principles, leading to a problem for police professionalism. The study employs qualitative methods, in which the primary data is obtained from in-depth interviews with several key informants. The secondary data is gathered from scientific works of literature and news in online media. This study indicates how low-capacity democracy developed through: first, the Indonesian regime's intervention and exercise of control by involving and appointing police officers to civilian positions; second, police repression against civil liberties; and third, the Police's justification for their authority and power. Thus, this study confirms Tilly's argument that a low-capacity democratic process occurs when democratic countries pursue undemocratic methods by manipulating the Police as an instrument to strengthen the power of the regime. The recommendation of this study is to strengthen democracy in terms of law enforcement by the supervision of parliament and supervisory institutions to retain the Police’s role as an independent law enforcement institution.

Page 1 of 1 | Total Record : 7

 1 

Filter by Year

2022 2022


Reset
Filter By Issues
All Issue Vol 29, No 2 (2025): November Vol 29, No 1 (2025): July Vol 28, No 3 (2025): March Vol 28, No 2 (2024): November Vol 28, No 1 (2024): July Vol 27, No 3 (2024): March Vol 27, No 2 (2023): November Vol 27, No 1 (2023): July Vol 26, No 3 (2023): March Vol 26, No 2 (2022): November Vol 26, No 1 (2022): July Vol 25, No 3 (2022): March Vol 25, No 2 (2021): November Vol 25, No 1 (2021): July Vol 24, No 3 (2021): March Vol 24, No 2 (2020): November Vol 24, No 1 (2020): July Vol 23, No 3 (2020): March Vol 23, No 2 (2019): November Vol 23, No 1 (2019): July Vol 22, No 3 (2019): March Vol 22, No 2 (2018): November Vol 22, No 1 (2018): July Vol 21, No 3 (2018): March Vol 21, No 2 (2017): November Vol 21, No 1 (2017): July Vol 20, No 3 (2017): March Vol 20, No 2 (2016): November Vol 20, No 1 (2016): Juli Vol 19, No 3 (2016): Maret Vol 19, No 2 (2015): NOVEMBER Vol 19, No 1 (2015): JULI Vol 18, No 3 (2015): Maret Vol 18, No 2 (2014): November Vol 18, No 1 (2014): Juli Vol 17, No 3 (2014): Maret Vol 17, No 2 (2013): NOVEMBER (Korporasi dan Tanggung Jawab Sosial) Vol 17, No 1 (2013): JULI (Menimbang Birokrasi, Partai, dan Politik di Indonesia) Vol 16, No 3 (2013): MARET (Gerakan Sosial (Baru) Pasca “Orde Baru”) Vol 16, No 2 (2012): NOVEMBER (Mengelola Perbatasan Negara) Vol 16, No 1 (2012): JULI (Politik Pengelolaan Lingkungan dan Sumber Daya Alam) Vol 15, No 3 (2012): MARET (Dinamika Politik Desentralisasi) Vol 15, No 2 (2011): NOVEMBER (Dilema Tata Kelola Pemerintahan) Vol 15, No 1 (2011): JULI (Kebijakan Sosial di Aras Lokal) Vol 14, No 3 (2011): MARET (Membingkai Peran Politik Media) Vol 14, No 2 (2010): NOVEMBER (Membedah Radikalisme di Indonesia) Vol 14, No 1 (2010): JULI (Multikulturalisme dan Pergulatan Identitas) Vol 13, No 3 (2010): MARET (Dinamika Penyelenggaraan Kesejahteraan Sosial) Vol 13, No 2 (2009): NOVEMBER (Demokrasi dan Transformasi Institusi Tradisional) Vol 13, No 1 (2009): JULI (Konflik dan Perdamaian) Vol 12, No 3 (2009): MARET (Parpol dan Pemilu) Vol 12, No 2 (2008): NOVEMBER (Media dan Demokrasi) Vol 12, No 1 (2008): JULI (Gerakan Sosial) Vol 11, No 3 (2008): MARET (Komunikasi Bencana) Vol 11, No 2 (2007): NOVEMBER (Dinamika Politik Lingkungan) Vol 11, No 1 (2007): JULI (Demokrasi Mencari Bentuk) Vol 10, No 3 (2007): MARET (Kebijakan Sosial Politik) Vol 10, No 2 (2006): NOVEMBER (Respon terhadap Tantangan Internasional) Vol 10, No 1 (2006): JULI (Pemberdayaan Masyarakat) Vol 9, No 3 (2006): MARET (Tarik Menarik Kepentingan dalam Media Masa) Vol 9, No 2 (2005): NOVEMBER (Potret Ilmu-ilmu Sosial) Vol 9, No 1 (2005): JULI (Demokrasi: Problema dan Manfaatnya) Vol 8, No 3 (2005): MARET (Democratic Governance) Vol 8, No 2 (2004): NOVEMBER (Tinjauan Kritis Globalisasi) Vol 8, No 1 (2004): JULI (Representasi dan Keberpihakan dalam Media) Vol 7, No 3 (2004): MARET (Peran dan Konstruksi Sosial tentang Perempuan) Vol 7, No 2 (2003): NOVEMBER (Globalisasi dan Kemiskinan) Vol 7, No 1 (2003): JULI (Neolibralisme: Refleksi Kritis) Vol 6, No 3 (2003): MARET (Dinamika Negara dan Masyarakat Sipil) Vol 6, No 2 (2002): NOVEMBER (Perkembangan dan Potret Ilmu Sosial) Vol 6, No 1 (2002): JULI (Kebijakan Publik: Perspektif Alternatif) Vol 5, No 3 (2002): MARET (Kebijakan dan Manajemen Publik) Vol 5, No 2 (2001): NOVEMBER (Otonomi Lokal dan Keindonesiaan) Vol 5, No 1 (2001): JULI (Khasanah Gerakan Sosial) Vol 4, No 3 (2001): MARET (Refleksi Nasionalisme Indonesia) Vol 4, No 2 (2000): NOVEMBER (Menggugat Kajian Media dan Kebebasan Pers) Vol 4, No 1 (2000): JULI (Reformasi Kelembagaan Politik) Vol 3, No 3 (2000): MARET (Kekerasan, Keberdayaan, dan Demokrasi) Vol 3, No 2 (1999): NOVEMBER Vol 3, No 1 (1999): JULI Vol 2, No 3 (1999): MARET Vol 2, No 2 (1998): NOVEMBER Vol 2, No 1 (1998): JULI Vol 1, No 3 (1998): MARET Vol 1, No 2 (1997): NOVEMBER Vol 1, No 1 (1997): JULI More Issue