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<![CDATA[STRATEGI GERAKAN PENERAPAN SYARIAT ISLAM FRONT PEMBELA ISLAM DI MOJOKERTO ]]>
<![CDATA[Mujibuddin, Mujibuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a1
<![CDATA[This study aims to analyze the movement for the application of Islamic law by the Islamic Defenders Front (FPI) in Mojokerto. Mojokerto is a city with strong NU tradition roots as NU Mojokerto is one of the largest Islamic organizations in this city. So far, NU Mojokerto has never carried out acts of violence in the name of religion. However, the strong tradition of NU does not guarantee the development of radical issues in Mojokerto. This study tries to analyze the strategy of mass networking as well as its efforts in implementing Islamic law in Mojokerto. This research is a field study that uses political opportunity theory to analyze the movement. Based on the research, the author found that there were two strategies undertaken by FPI to implement Islamic law in Mojokerto. First, FPI uses democracy to support candidate leaders who are on the same mission as them. In addition, FPI also encourages society to choose a leader who supports the implementation of Islamic law. Secondly, FPI takes an action in doing the raid in particular places around the city. The political opportunities that have opened since the reformation era have made it easier for FPI to mobilize the masses, FPI has the freedom to express its opinion in various actions.]]>
<![CDATA[YOUTUBE: SEBUAH KAJIAN DEMOKRATISASI INFORMASI DAN HIBURAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Alamsyah, Anggriani]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a6
<![CDATA[This paper aims to describe the position of mainstream audio-visual media which has been replaced by a digital platform, Youtube. YouTube has produced some famous people who have been 'untouched' by the mainstream media. The author obtained data and information from YouTube channels, literature and online news. In analyzing this phenomenon, the author uses three concepts: power, the democratization of information, and social media. The author concludes that this platform provides space for anyone to express and get advantages from democratizing information and entertainment. The control of information and entertainment is no longer in the hands of big media corporations but belongs to people like Andovi Da Lopez, Nessie Judge, Hansol, Budi “Epenkah Cupentoh” or even Jeromee who had never appeared on TV screens before.]]>
<![CDATA[PENCALONAN KEPALA DAERAH PADA PEMILIHAN SERENTAK 2020 DI SULAWESI SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Jurdi, Syarifuddin]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a2
<![CDATA[The concurrent election 2020 in South Sulawesi faced dynamic circumstances as the pairs of candidates must fill the requirements when registering themselves. During the process of regional election, some cases happened in some regions in South Sulawesi. As an example, some candidates in some regions might lose support from the political parties in the middle of the election process as the support from the political party is unstable. On the other hand, special cases happened in two districts (Gowa and Soppeng), where there was only one single candidate for each region. Hence the struggle to get the support of a political party did not occur in both areas. In another region, Selayar, the individual candidate who has already fulfilled the minimum requirement still seeks support from political parties. All candidates tend to register themselves as fast as possible to prevent the failure in registration stage. Another case shows that there was a pair of candidates who failed to be a partner because they were tested positive for narcotics use, while two candidate pairs experienced a delay in registration because they were positive for Covid-19 and the had to wait until they were tested negative for Covid-19 before continuing to the medical check-up stage.]]>
<![CDATA[HUBUNGAN KONTEMPORER MALAYSIA–INDONESIA: TAHAP PENGETAHUAN DAN PEMAHAMAN GEN X DAN Y MALAYSIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ghani, Rohani Hj. Ab]]>;
<![CDATA[Hamid, Ahmad Shukri bin Abdul]]>;
<![CDATA[Paidi, Zulhilmi bin]]>;
<![CDATA[Ratakrishnan, Mohan A/L]]>;
<![CDATA[Mamat, Rashidah binti]]>;
<![CDATA[Yeyeng, Andi Tenri]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a8
<![CDATA[Looking at the relations between Malaysia-Indonesia, it could be seen that society has the power to direct the bilateral relations between two countries. In comparison, Indonesian society is more responsive than Malaysian society in responding to particular issues related to both countries. The most active group is generally from the younger generation known as Generation Y (Gen Y) where their reactions tend to be provocative. The purpose of this paper is to discuss the knowledge and perceptions of Gen Y and Gen X at Universiti Utara Malaysia (UUM) on the Malaysia-Indonesia bilateral relationship and the factors that influence their knowledge and perception. This paper uses quantitative and qualitative methods. The results of the study showed that respondents accepted Indonesia as an important neighbor because of the current state's interests. The cultural and social aspects, particularly audio-visual products such as Indonesian soap operas and Indonesian pop songs have the most significant influence in influencing the respondents' level of knowledge about Indonesia. In addition, they also get a lot of information about Indonesia through electronic media. An important finding from this study is that all respondents acknowledge that Indonesia is still relevant as Malaysia's closest neighbor based on the similarity factor and those good relations between the two countries need to be maintained.]]>
<![CDATA[PENDIDIKAN KEWARGANEGARAAN DAN PEMBENTUKAN PREFERENSI POLITIK AWAL PEMILIH PEMULA ]]>
<![CDATA[Tamma, Sukri]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a3
<![CDATA[This paper aims to show the important role of civic education in influencing the early political preferences of novice voters. Political preference is one of the important aspects for someone to be able to participate properly in a democratic system. Based on certain political preferences, a person will have reasons and foundations for his behavior and political choices, including novice voters. Therefore, an understanding of the aspects of its formation becomes an important aspect to be understood before being directly involved in political elections. Based on qualitative research conducted in Makassar City in 2020 on novice voters who are high school students, it was found that the formation of their initial political preferences was not only influenced by parental preferences but also through civic education courses at schools. The course which consists of standards and social values in behaving as citizens has given them an initial understanding of the importance of placing themselves well in the political space. This makes civic education space for socialization as well as political education for novice voters. This understanding then becomes the basis for developing their understanding of politics and how they should behave as good citizens in a democratic system.]]>
<![CDATA[POST-ISLAMISME: MEMAHAMI AKSI POLITIK ISLAM KONTEMPORER ]]>
<![CDATA[Karim, Syahrir]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a7
<![CDATA[Post-Islamism is a dynamic Islamic political phenomenon that spreads with various characters. Previously ideologically different groups tried to merge into the same movement and tried to compromise or even fight. Islamic groups or mass organizations that tend to compromise with the state are their way to continue to exist in political reality. Although actually some of them still do not abandon the goals or ideology of the organization totally. This is purely to maintain public sympathy and on the other hand, to exist in the dynamics of state politics. This phenomenon is in line with several main characteristics of post-Islamism, among others, they tend to be pragmatic, tend to compromise with the state without completely abandoning their ideological characteristics, and they tend to be more realistic in seeing the situation. It can be seen that post-Islamism tends to be less in tune with issues of secularism and on the other hand they also reject the application of Sharia law which looks rigid, including ideological-religious platforms in its application in several places. In general, the characteristics of post-Islamism tend to be the same, such as compromise with political realities, pragmatic tendencies in carrying out government programs, and a tolerant attitude towards groups that are considered different with them.]]>
<![CDATA[SIMULASI WACANA MEDIA DAN PERMAINAN WACANA POLITIK ]]>
<![CDATA[Goncing, Muh. Abdi]]>;
<![CDATA[Syahrul, Fathullah]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a4
<![CDATA[This article aims to analyze how the media does the simulate discourse in reality and to reveal how the media through their discourse play a political role in social life. The critical perspective of Jean Baudrillard's simulation theory is used as the basic approach for this research. The results of the research indicate that the media discourse through its simulation process has carried out the construction of reality which led to the establishment of a certain ideology that can stimulate the emergence of various needs that must be met by the audience. This need is then used by the media into forms of artificial reality which then directs the audience's perspective and political activities into virtual spaces. This political virtuality then creates a certain political ideology in the context of the audience's political life.]]>
<![CDATA[RETALIASI ISLAMOPHOBIA DI PRANCIS DALAM PRINSIP MAQASHID SYARI’AH DHARURIYYAH ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajrina, Siti]]>;
<![CDATA[Surwandono, Surwandono]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a5
<![CDATA[This article describes the Islamophobia in France and the boycott of French products by Islamic countries due to the French Government's statement regarding the caricature of the Prophet Muhammad. With a focus on the concept of Maqashid Syari'ah Dharuriyyah, this paper will analyze how the Dharuriyyah principle can protect beliefs and whether this boycott has a significant impact in France. The data from this paper were obtained through the Mendeley library and processed using the analytical description method with VosViewer. The result of this paper is that the boycott carried out by Muslims with the maintenance of religion under the context of Dharuriyyah succeeded in realizing the French economy with the decline in the stock market in France.]]>
<![CDATA[KONSTRUKSI POLITIK, PRAETORIAN DAN PENDISIPLINAN TUBUH ]]>
<![CDATA[Fajar, Fajar]]>
<![CDATA[ JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 9 No 1 (2021): June ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar ]]>
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DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v9i1a9
<![CDATA[Pergulatan mengenai keindonesian kita hari ini, tak lepas dari peran sejarah, mengapa gelombang krisis ekonomi Asia menimpa seluruh aspek perekonomian hingga kebangsaan di awali tahun 1997 dan klimaks pada 21 Mei 1998 yang kemudian menandai tumbangnya Orde Baru yang selama 32 tahun di kuasai oleh Presiden Soeharto. Pemerintahan yang dianggap otoriter berganti dengan pemerintahan yang dianggap demokratis. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode kualitatif menurut Creswell dalam Sugiyono (2012) diantaranya yaitu narrative research. Dimana peneliti mencoba menggambarkan kehidupan seorang tokoh atau individu dan menuliskan cerita dan riwayat pengalaman tokoh ataupun individu tersebut serta bagaimana riwayat konstruksi sosial politik di Era Soeharto kini seolah menjadi tatanan sosial baru sehingga digambarkan dalam bentuk narrative research. Penelitian ini menggunakan kerangka teori Daniel Dhakidae Cendekiawan dan Kekuasaan; Dalam Negara Orde Baru dalam melihat bagaimana pola kekuasaan dalam Orde Baru sebagai pisau konstruksi analisis yang berkembang. Hasil pada penelitian ini menggambarkan bagaimana sebuah pemerintahan Orde Baru menjalankan mesin Negara dengan memperhadapkan kekuatan militer, partai politik dan kekuatan birokrasi sehingga mendapatkan kekuasaan yang terjalin sedemikian lama sehingga mampu menciptakan pengawasan maupun panoptik terhadap warga Negara yang begitu teratur dan cenderung memaksa. Dalam politik tubuh, kekuasaan Soeharto yang mendisiplinkan lembaga-lembaga negara dan partai politik, agama sampai pada masyarakat Indonesia diterangkan oleh Michael Foucault sebagai panoptik atau pengawasan sehingga tercipta suatu masyarakan disipliner.]]>
