Article Per Year (5 Year)
p-Index From 2020 - 2025
1.037
P-Index
This Author published in this journals
All Journal Ilmu dan Budaya Populis : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora Journal of Social Political Sciences (JSPS) Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika Sosial PARAPOLITIKA: Journal Of Politics and Democracy Studies
Lubis, Sahruddin
Unknown Affiliation
Arts Humanities Decision Sciences, Operations Research & Management Education Law, Crime, Criminology & Criminal Justice Social Sciences

Published : 5 Documents Claim Missing Document
Claim Missing Document
Check
Articles

Found 5 Documents
Search

 1 
ELITE DELIBERATION AS DELIBERATIVE DEMOCRACY: EXPERIENCE OF WALISONGO AND NAHDLATUL ULAMA IN NUSANTARA/INDONESIA Zamharir, Hari; Dja’far, TB Massa; Lubis, Sahruddin; Sadiyatunnimah, Siti
Journal of Social Political Sciences Vol 1 No 4 (2020): November 2020
Publisher : Universitas Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Culture-bound political development has recently been voiced by some political theorists. Wisdom of deliberation in Indonesia seems crucial to making democracy work. Amidst the failures or malpractices of democratic politics in Indonesia during the consecutive regimes in power, deliberative democracy is worth revitalizing. The paper makes an account of the legacy of elite deliberation from Islamic civilization that had been in practice by Walisongo in Nusantara and by a big-mass Islamic organization of NU in contemporary Indonesia in electing NU’s top leader. Theories used in the account include Deliberative Theory of Democracy, and the concept “culture-context political development”. The account employs the qualitative research, with meta-analysis in the analysis method. The finding is that transition to democratic culture among the segments of the Indonesian society has been facilitated by the practice of mechanism of Ahlul Hal Wal Aqd (AHWA) or elite deliberation by Walisongo before the independence of Indonesia, with significant contribution to instituting some form of board of trustees, controlling the king in case of misdeed and at the same time building trust in institution—trusting the king and the board of trustees—for the peoples in the respective kingdoms. Contribution also takes place by the practice of NU in electing Rais Am—whereby election of NU’s top leader has been deliberated by a few elites with high integrity and trust.
PROSES NEGOSIASI PARTAI ACEH DAN UPAYA PENERIMAAN PILKADA ACEH TAHUN 2012 Sudirman, Sudirman; Lubis, Sahruddin; Rambe, Safrizal
Jurnal Sosiologi Dialektika Sosial Vol 9, No 2 (2023): September
Publisher : Program Studi Sosiologi Universitas Malikussaleh

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.29103/jsds.v9i2.5103

Abstract

This study examines the negotiation process of the Acehnese parties and their acceptance efforts in the 2012 regional elections. The study of the political efforts in negotiating carried out by the Aceh Party elite is not only limited to voicing through political demonstrations, but also taking legal steps through lawsuits against The Constitutional Court is one step in political negotiations with the central government to continue its power and support the creation of sustainable peace in Aceh. This study uses the perspective of negotiation theory and effective political communication. The data collection method used in this research was through an observation approach, document study and in-depth interviews with; Aceh Party elite, Chairman of the Independent Election Commission (KIP), Civil Society and academics. Finally, this study concluded that. First, the refusal to register is part of the negotiation process between the Aceh Party and the central government as a form of commitment to the mandate of the Helsinki MoU and the mandate of the Republic of Indonesia Government Law (UUPA) Number 6 of 2006 concerning the Aceh Government and the sustainability of peace. Second, the Aceh Party formed the Free Aceh Political and Ideological Framing Alliance. This political alliance can help strengthen the voter base, expand campaign reach and strengthen political influence. Third, building effective communication with supporting parties to mobilize support for the Aceh Party.Studi ini mengkaji tentang proses negosiasi partai Aceh dan upaya penerimaan dalam Pilkada tahun 2012. Studi tentang upaya-upaya politik dalam bernegosiasi yang dilakukan oleh elit Partai Aceh bukan hanya sebatas menyuarakan lewat aksi politik unjuk rasa, namun juga mengambil langkah-langkah hukum melalui gugatan ke Mahkamah Konstitusi merupakan salah satu langkah negosiasi politik dengan pemerintah pusat untuk melanjutkan kekuasaaan dan mendukung terciptanya perdamaian berkelanjutan di Aceh. Studi ini menggunakan perspektif teori negosiasi dan komunikasi politik efektif. Metode pengumpulan data yang dilakukan dalam penelitian ini melalui pendekatan observasi, studi dokumen dan wawancara mendalam dengan; elit Partai Aceh, Ketua Komisi Independen Pemilihan (KIP), Masyarakat Sipil dan akademisi. Akhirnya, studi ini menyimpulkan bahwa. Pertama, penolakan pendaftaran merupakan bagian dari proses negosiasi Partai Aceh dan pemerintah pusat sebagai bentuk komitmen amanah Mou Helsinki dan amanah Undang-Undang Pemerintah Repuplik Indonesia (UUPA) Nomor 6 Tahun 2006 Tentang Pemerintah Aceh dan keberlajutan Perdamaian. Kedua, Partai Aceh membentuk Aliansi Politik dan Framing Idiologi Aceh Merdeka, aliansi politik ini dapat membantu memperkuat basis pemilih, memperluas jangkauan kampanye, dan memperkuat pengaruh politik. Ketiga, membangun komunikasi efektif dengan partai pendukung sebagai penggalangan dukungan Partai Aceh.
Politik Pemerintahan Thailand Era Thaksin Shinawatra & Malaysia Era Anwar Ibrahim dalam Perspektif Illiberal Democracy serta Relevansinya dengan Indonesia Lubis, Sahruddin; Zamharir, Hari
Populis : Jurnal Sosial dan Humaniora Vol. 9 No. 2 (2024)
Publisher : Universitas Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.47313/pjsh.v9i2.2993

Abstract

This research explores the practice of democratic politics in two countries that place constitutional monarchies in the life of the nation and state, namely Thailand and Malaysia during the Thaksin Sinawatra administration and Malaysia during the Dato Anwar Ibrahim era. The study was conducted using the perspective of Fareed Zakaria's illiberal democracy theory. This study applies a culture-context approach with content analysis methods and meta-analyses procedures. Data were collected from a number of scientific articles accessed through Google Scholar and books. The results of the study show the existence of the King of Thailand who still plays a minimal role, amidst changing values that indicate very liberal, thus potentially strengthening liberal democracy and further weakening the constitutional monarchy. Likewise, the King of the Malaysian still plays a minimal role, but in recent times—with the declining role of UMNO party, the King's role is very significant in the latest political crisis.  The finding of this study is that in the amidst of a wave of changing values that have the potential to further marginalize illiberal democracy in each country, the role of the king, especially in the case of Malaysia, is quite significant in overcoming the political crisis of power, especially as a mediating authority or authorized intermediary agency. Abstrak Penelitian ini mengkaji praktik politik demokrasi di dua negara yang menempatkan monarki konstitusional dalam kehidupan berbagsa dan bernegara di Asia, yakni Thailand pada era pemerintahan Thaksin Sinawatra dan Malaysia pada era Dato Anwar Ibrahim. Kajian dilakukan dengan menggunakan perspektif teori illiberal demokrasi dari Fareed Zakaria. Penelitian ini menerapkan pendekatan culture-context dengan metode analisis konten dan prosedur meta-analyses. Data dikumpulkan dari sejumlah artikel ilmiah yang diakses melalui Google Scholar dan buku-buku. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa ekistensi Raja Thailand masih berperan secara minimal, di tengah perubahan nilai-nilai yang mengindikasi amat liberal, sehingga potensial menguatkan demokrasi liberal dan makin memperlemah monarki konstitusional. Demikian pula dengan Raja Malaysia, masih berperan secara minimal, namun di masa belakangan—dengan jatuhnya The United Malays National Organization, peranan raja amat signifikan dalam kemelut politik mutakhir. Temuan penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa di tengah gelombang perubahan nilai-nilai yang berpotensi makin meminggirkan illiberal democracy di masing-masing negara, peran raja, teristimewa dalam kasus Malaysia, cukup signifikan dalam mengatasi krisis politik kekuasaan, terutama sebagai mediating authority atau authorized intermediary agency.
CIVIL SOCIETY DALAM DINAMIKA REKLAMASI TELUK JAKARTA Astar Paradise, Muhammad; Lubis, Sahruddin
Ilmu dan Budaya Vol. 46 No. 1 (2025)
Publisher : Universitas Nasional

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) are a form of civil society that is organized and united to achieve specific goals, playing a significant role in promoting democratization and supporting sustainable development. This study was conducted to explore the role of the Indonesian Forum for the Environment (WALHI) Jakarta as a civil society organization (CSO) in the policy of Jakarta Bay reclamation by analyzing the main functions of CSOs in influencing the processes of public policy formulation, implementation, and evaluation. This research uses a qualitative approach, with data collection techniques carried out through in-depth interviews with WALHI Jakarta staff and literature review. The study's findings reveal that WALHI undertakes multiple strategic roles, including advocacy, education, community mobilization, policy monitoring, and legal litigation. These roles align with Larry Diamond's theory emphasizing civil society's autonomy, participation, and pluralism, as well as Bance's theory classifying CSO functions as watchdog, advocator, capacity builder, service provider, and catalyst of change. WALHI Jakarta's active involvement in the reclamation issue demonstrates CSOs' critical capacity to counterbalance state and market powers, while underscoring civil society's essential role in achieving inclusive and sustainable governance. Abstrak Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) merupakan bentuk dari civil society yang diorganisir dan bersatu untuk mencapai tujuan tertentu, dan peran yang signifikan dalam mendorong demokratisasi dan mendukung pembangunan berkelanjutan. Penelitian ini dilakukan untuk mengeksplorasi peran Wahana Lingkungan Hidup Indonesia (WALHI) Jakarta sebagai organisasi masyarakat sipil (Civil Society Organization/CSO) terhadap kebijakan reklamasi Teluk Jakarta dengan melakukan analisis melalui fungsi-fungsi utama CSOs dalam memengaruhi proses perumusan, implementasi, dan evaluasi kebijakan publik. Penelitian ini menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan melalui wawancara mendalam dengan staf WALHI Jakarta serta kajian literatur. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan bahwa WALHI menjalankan berbagai peran strategis, termasuk advokasi, edukasi, mobilisasi masyarakat, pemantauan kebijakan, serta litigasi hukum. Peran-peran ini sejalan dengan teori Larry Diamond yang menekankan pentingnya kemandirian, partisipasi, dan pluralisme dalam masyarakat sipil, serta teori Bance yang mengklasifikasikan fungsi CSO sebagai watchdog, advocator, capacity builder, service provider, dan catalyst of change. Keterlibatan aktif WALHI Jakarta dalam isu reklamasi membuktikan pentingnya kapasitas CSO untuk menjadi kekuatan pengimbang terhadap negara dan pasar, serta menunjukkan pentingnya keberadaan civil society dalam mewujudkan tata kelola pemerintahan yang inklusif dan berkelanjutan.
Analisis Kegagalan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) Dalam Memenuhi Ambang Batas Parlemen Pada Pemilu 2024 Lubis, Sahruddin; Ramadhan, Andika Nugraha
PARAPOLITIKA: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies Vol. 6 No. 2 (2025): PARAPOLITIKA: Journal of Politics and Democracy Studies
Publisher : Prodi Ilmu Politik

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33822/jpds.v6i2.10878

Abstract

Penelitian ini menganalisis penyebab kegagalan Partai Persatuan Pembangunan (PPP) dalam mencapai ambang batas parlemen pada pemilu legislatif 2024, yang mengakibatkan PPP tidak dapat mengirimkan wakil ke DPR RI. Kegagalan ini menjadi titik balik signifikan bagi PPP, mengingat partai ini telah lama menjadi salah satu kekuatan politik yang diperhitungkan di Indonesia sejak didirikan pada 5 Januari 1973 sebagai hasil fusi dari empat partai Islam: Partai Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi), Partai Syarikat Islam Indonesia (PSII), dan Partai Islam Perti. Penelitian menemukan penyebab kegagalan PPP dalam mencapai ambang batas parlemen adalah adanya faktor internal dan eksternal. Faktor internal seperti konflik kepemimpinan dan kurangnya konsolidasi. Faktor eksternal seperti persaingan dengan partai Islam lain dan perubahan preferensi pemilih. Penelitian ini merekomendasikan reformasi strategi komunikasi politik dan peningkatan konsolidasi internal untuk mengembalikan kepercayaan pemilih
Co-Authors Astar Paradise, Muhammad Dja’far, TB Massa Ramadhan, Andika Nugraha Rambe, Safrizal Sadiyatunnimah, Siti Sudirman Sudirman Zamharir, Hari