Eko Wardani, Sri Budi
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Konflik Kepentingan Antara Pimpinan Daerah dan DPRD Dalam Penyusunan Anggaran Pendapatan Belanja Daerah Nurak, Anastacia Patricia Novlina; Eko Wardani, Sri Budi
Jurnal Inovasi Ilmu Sosial dan Politik (JISoP) Vol 3 No 1 (2021)
Publisher : Universitas Islam Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.33474/jisop.v3i1.9218

Abstract

This research aims to explain about conflict between Sikka’s Local Leader and the Local Legislative Assembly (DPRD) in preparation of Local Government Budget (APBD) for term 2019 year. Sikka regencies is one of district that led by candidate from independent line. Fransiskus Roberto Diogo, (Roby Idong) and Romanus Woga won the District Election Head at 2018 without any party nor coalition. Problem arise when Local Leaders and members of Local Legislative Assembly did not reach mutual agreement about house and communication allowance budget. This research uses qualitative methods with primary data sourced from in-depth interviews with all parties in the conflict. This research used Maswadi Rauf's conflict theory, which is classified based on the results of research by Mark and Synder. In addition, it is known that there are conflicting interests between Local Leader and Local Legislative Assembly about budgeting. Meanwhile, Local Leader in Sikka aim to control Local Legislative Assembly with negative issue about marking up budget of house and transportation allowances, but thus assembly obtain to increase the budgeting for their right.
The Feminisation of Indonesia’s Political Parties: Toward Feminised Parties? Ekawati, Esty; Eko Wardani, Sri Budi; Romli, Lili; Iman Subono, Nur
JSP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan ilmu Poltik) Vol 28, No 1 (2024): July
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Gadjah Mada

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22146/jsp.82663

Abstract

The political representation of women in the Indonesian parliament has increased since the implementation of the affirmation policy through quotas, although the number has not yet reached 30%. In addition, the percentage of women placed in the management structure of political parties has also increased. In addition, the percentage of women's candidacy in each election period also showed an increasing trend. This article aims to analyse the feminisation process that occurred in ten political parties in the Indonesian reform era using the model of party responsiveness introduced by Lisa Young. By using a qualitative approach, in which data were obtained from interviews, party statutes (AD/ART), and documents of the Special Committee for the 2017 Election Bill, it was found that the feminisation of political parties in Indonesia is divided into two categories, namely responsive and co-optive. The difference in the level of feminisation is due to differences in party responses to three things namely, the number of women in the party’s structure, quota rules, and party responses to pro-women policies. Based on the mapping of political parties in Indonesia using a model of party responsiveness, it can be said that political parties experience limited feminisation where only the representational dimension shows a high tendency. However, in the policy dimension, most parties have a negative response. Therefore, the feminisation that occurs is half-hearted.
CHADEMA's 2020 Presidential Election Defeat: Opposition Challenges and CCM's Dominance in Tanzania. Samsony, Antony; Eko Wardani, Sri Budi
Politicos: Jurnal Politik Dan Pemerintahan 86-98
Publisher : Universitas Warmadewa

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22225/politicos.5.2.2025.86-98

Abstract

The analysis investigates the structural obstacles and strategic shortcomings of opposition parties in Tanzania by studying CHADEMA's defeat during the 2020 presidential election and identifying the reasons behind CCM's ongoing political dominance. The study examines how state-undertaken institutions together with electoral processes alongside media bias and bureaucratic procedures create disadvantages for opposition parties while analyzing their internal weaknesses that include ineffective organization and weak grassroots mobilization and inadequate strategic planning. The central question is. Democratic erosion in Tanzania exists through a combination of institutional barriers coupled with shortcomings in opposition parties. The study evaluates electoral information alongside voter conduct and legal structures using empirical evidence while incorporating observations from political officials. The study demonstrates how CCM's dominance of state institutions combined with its control of electoral authorities produces a systematic disadvantage for opposition parties paired with CHADEMA's organizational flaws that reduce its chances of electoral success. The voting patterns across Tanzania's regions demonstrate significant imbalances in opposition backing because of institutional biases and uneven grassroots efforts. This study advances theoretical knowledge about political opposition and democratic backsliding through its findings showing incumbent parties utilize institutional resources to reinforce their power base (Mettler & Lieberman, 2020). The situation demands three changes which include electoral system improvements together with enhanced opposition party capabilities and active international observation of elections to halt Tanzania's democratic deterioration. The analysis has implications for political systems that maintain weaker opposition parties against powerful governing institutions.