Articles
<![CDATA[Islamic Consolidation in Kazakhstan: Success Story and Challenges of the Future ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 2 No. 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v2i2.968
<![CDATA[This article attempts to explain the process of Islamic consolidation in Kazakhstan, a young Muslim-majority state in Central Asia which became independent following the demise of the Soviet Union. Unlike its turbulent regional neighbors, Kazakhstan has virtually been not troubled by the threat of extremists, making its success an interesting case to discuss. There are some aspects which this essay is going to analyze. First, using the consolidation framework, I am going to examine how the rise of Islam is facilitated after the demise of the Soviet Union. Second, I also add another element namely securitization. This paper argues that securitisation is the additional strategy which creates a stable condition of Islamic consolidation in Kazakhstan. This paper concludes with giving some reflections on the future of Islam and the political stability in Kazakhstan. ]]>
<![CDATA[The 11 September Attacks and the Fourth Wave 2.0 of International Terrorism ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v4i1.1546
<![CDATA[The 11 September attacks in 2001 were one of the most shocking incidents within the post-Cold War era. Moreover, its location which happened in the United States can also be translated as a symbolic warning for the liberal world order, signifying that security remains a salient topic even after the “End of History†postulated by Fukuyama. This article examines whether the 11 September attacks has changed the course of international relations. In so doing, I attempt to use “the waves of terrorism†as a framework to understand the development of different stages of terrorism. The method that I used was desk research based on sources such as official reports, previous studies on terrorism, and classic literature on international security. This article finds that the 11 September attack serves as a game-changer in international relations as it unveils the new face of the religious wave of. First, the attacks ignited a refined version of the religious wave by employing information technology, making it even more sporadic and unpredictable. Second, it reshapes international security by shifting away from the state-centric narrative, putting the terrorists as new international actors. Third, it has altered the security relations of the United States with other countries, creating new global polarisations.]]>
<![CDATA[The Purpose of Sister City Collaboration between Malang and Fuqing, China ]]>
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ JUSS (Jurnal Sosial Soedirman) Vol 7 No 1 (2024): JUSS (Jurnal Sosial Soedirman) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Fakultas Ilmu Sosial and Ilmu Politik Universitas Jenderal Soedirman ]]>
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DOI: 10.20884/juss.v7i1.11499
<![CDATA[This study aims to explore the motifs behind the collaboration between Malang and Fuqing, China. Through the MRQ approach, this research analyzes how the motif of education emerges as a response to Fuqing's best practices in effective educational management. Furthermore, the study also identifies agricultural motifs driven by the significant potential of Fuqing as a soybean producer, aligning with Malang's characteristics as a tempeh producer. The results of the study indicate that the collaboration between Malang and Fuqing is driven by the real needs and potentials in both cities. This study successfully addresses research question (MRQ) number 3 regarding intercity cooperation through the lens of collaboration motifs. The implications of this research have a significant impact on strengthening the understanding of the dynamics of intercity cooperation, as well as providing a broader perspective on the importance of cross-regional collaboration in advancing local development.]]>
<![CDATA[Diplomasi Panda dan Hubungan Bilateral China-Jerman Tahun 2016-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Sasmita, Anggraini Ika]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 2 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.02.4
<![CDATA[Since the 7th century, China has been giving their endemic animal, Giant Panda, as one of public diplomacy practice also known as Panda Diplomacy. China’s Panda Diplomacy only applies to countries that have profitable historical trade with China. This Research will discuss on how China’s government effort to implement panda diplomacy to Germany, which has been the high-technology main importer country for China since 1999. However the relations ever been on a tense stage, since Germany considered China as a competitor. To keep rhe good relation market with Germany, Xi Jinping commanded China’s Wildlife Conservation and Association to lend a giant panda as a friendship symbol for both countries. This paper employs a qualitative method using Eytan Gilboa framework to analyze public diplomacy application with timw, purpose, public opinion, government and instrument as the research variable. From those variables will shown how panda diplomacy as a public diplomacy practice with long term relations as a result. Keywords : Public Diplomacy, Panda Diplomacy, China, Germany]]>
<![CDATA[Menuju Surabaya Green City Melalui Kerjasama Kota Kembar Surabaya-Kitakyushu ]]>
<![CDATA[Widiana, Fany]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ Jurnal Transformasi Global Vol. 8 No. 1 (2021): Jurnal Transformasi Global (JTG) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Department of International Relations, Brawijaya University ]]>
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DOI: 10.21776/ub.jtg.008.01.7
<![CDATA[The sister city collaboration between Surabaya and Kitakyushu is an example of the active cooperation of local governments in Indonesia. Conceptually, this kind of cooperation is also called paradiplomacy or diplomatic activity carried out by local governments with other regions in foreign countries. This article takes a case study of the sister cities of Surabaya and Kitakyushu to then look at the institutionalization aspect as a dimension that can be seen from paradiplomacy. Using the Surabaya point of view, the institutionalization points that the writer will review in this article are (1) the formation of a special ministry or department; (2) establishment of permanent subnational offices; (3) official visits of regional authorities to foreign territories and countries; (4) participation in various international events organized by foreign actors; (5) formation and participation in multilateral global & cross-border regional networks and working groups in specific fields; and (6) regional authorization participation in international events organized by foreign entities in official delegations of the central government. Keywords: Paradiplomacy, Surabaya, Kitakyushu, Sister City, Institutionalization]]>
<![CDATA[Rethinking Medical Diplomacy as a Part of the Public Diplomacy: The Case of China ]]>
<![CDATA[Rara Shertina]]>;
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Nusantara Science and Technology Proceedings International Relations on Indonesian Foreign Policy Conference 2022 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Future Science ]]>
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DOI: 10.11594/nstp.2023.3401
<![CDATA[This article reviews China's efforts to provide medical assistance during the Covid-19 pandemic. Here, the author uses the point of view that this assistance can be categorized as a public diplomacy effort because it is aimed at people in foreign countries. This article attempts to broaden the definition of medical diplomacy which leads to public diplomacy. This was found by the author after analyzing the impact of Chinese diplomacy on the image of his country and linking it to China's medical diplomacy efforts that had been carried out.]]>
<![CDATA[Festival as Cultural Diplomacy: Kurultáj and Its Implementation in Hungary ]]>
<![CDATA[Pratama, Cakra Diaz]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ JISPO Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik Vol. 13 No. 2 (2023): Vol. 13 No. 2, 2023 ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Faculty of SociaI and Political Sciences (FISIP), Universitas Islam Negeri (UIN) Bandung ]]>
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DOI: 10.15575/jispo.v13i2.28412
<![CDATA[Diplomatic endeavours encompass a range of strategies, including the organisation of cultural festivals, which serve not only as a means of engaging a broader audience but also as platforms for expressing a nation's identity. One notable example is the Kurultáj festival, which took place in Hungary under the auspices of the Magyar Turán AlapÃtvány. This festival exemplifies the practice of cultural diplomacy, attracting participation from various Central Asian nations. Through cultural diplomacy, participating countries aim to promote their respective national interests within the framework of the Kurultáj festival. This article examines the implementation of the Kurultáj festival between 2008 and 2022, focusing specifically on its association with neo-propagandist cultural diplomacy. It argues that the Kurultáj festival cannot be solely categorised as a manifestation of neo-propagandist cultural diplomacy.]]>
<![CDATA[Thailand's halal gastrodiplomacy to Indonesia: A study from the glocalisation perspective ]]>
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>;
<![CDATA[Sari, Kendalita]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 7 No. 1 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v7i1.4972
<![CDATA[This article describes how globalisation paves a way toward Thailand's decision to develop its gastrodiplomacy strategy. In more detail, the practice that the author will examine is the practice of Thai gastrodiplomacy with Indonesia, which is directed explicitly to promoting their halal products. This research is descriptive and uses a case study approach, which may provide a deeper picture of a phenomenon in social sciences. Through the Thailand case study, we can see that so far, countries that have a comparative advantage in the culinary field can also respond to globalisation in their way. Responding to the high demand from the global trend of halal tourism, Thailand has slightly adjusted its gastrodiplomacy strategy towards the halal aspect. This also improves the image of those already popular with sex tourism. Uniquely, this halal gastrodiplomacy has also made them successful in gaining markets in other countries despite not being a Muslim-majority country. This research highlights that the practice of gastrodiplomacy can be viewed from various perspectives. One of them is the perspective of globalisation, which investigates how interactions between people can change our perception of objective and subjective needs and how linking these two needs creates new modes of activity.]]>
<![CDATA[Maneuvering between two interests: Islam and Indonesia’s global identity the Joko Widodo Administration in 2014-2019 ]]>
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 8 No. 1 (2023) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Islam Negeri Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v8i1.6577
<![CDATA[This article discusses how the leadership of the first era of Indonesian President Joko Widodo (2014-2019) managed Islam as one aspect of his country’s identity in the global arena. The authors argue that two things influenced the image of Indonesian Islam in the Widodo era. First is the domestic pressure to reclaim the trust of Islamic political groups. Second is a global interest to maintain the status quo as a country with moderate Islamic characteristics that is also active in pursuing world peace. To do this, the authors use a two-level game point of view that sees the constellation of domestic politics and then relates it to how theWidodo government carries out its foreign diplomatic strategy. This article finds that the Widodo administration in the first era could balance the interests of creating an image of a friendly government to Islamic groups. On the other hand, it can also fulfil its commitment to engage in diplomacy as a middle power through strategies dominated by results oriented bilateralism.]]>
<![CDATA[Peran United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) dalam Program Humanitarian Actions Children sebagai Implementasi Hak Anak terhadap Anak-anak Palestina Tahun 2021 ]]>
<![CDATA[Wardania, Rista Vauza]]>;
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 10, No 01 (2022) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v10i01.3575
<![CDATA[Every child around the world has the right to obtain their rights which have been stated in theConvention on the Rights of the Child in 1989. The Convention on the Rights of the Child in 1989categorizes the age limit for children as all human beings under 18 years old. Every country isobliged to provide children's rights to all children without exception. In addition, InternationalOrganizations also play as a role in helping to provide children's rights as stated in the Conventionon the Rights of the Child (1989). UNICEF is one of an international organization under the auspicesof the United Nations, created to help children around the world to get their rights. One of UNICEF'sprograms in implementing children's rights is the Humanitarian Action for Children program whichwas formed in 2011 to help vulnerable children, such as victims of natural disasters, conflict victims,refugees, and victims of disease outbreaks, in obtaining their rights. This study describes the roleplayed by UNICEF through the Humanitarian Action for Children program in implementingchildren's rights for Palestinian children in 2021.Keywords: UNICEF, Children’s Rights, Palestinian Children, Humanitarian Actionsfor Children.DOI: https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v10i01.3575]]>
