Articles
<![CDATA[Coordination Problems and Aid-Dependency as Challenges of State-Building in the Fragile States ]]>
<![CDATA[Utomo, Ario Bimo]]>
<![CDATA[ Global and Policy Journal of International Relations Vol 7, No 01 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Program Studi Hubungan Internasional Universitas Pembangunan Nasional "Veteran" Jawa Timur ]]>
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DOI: 10.33005/jgp.v7i01.1813
<![CDATA[This article examines the concept of state-building as an imperative need in this globalizing world amidst the existence of fragile states around the world. It begins with a simple question regarding the challenges of state-building in fragile states and what measures can be done to minimalizethe probable negatives. Using secondary source analysis and twocase studiesof state-building in Afghanistan, Somaliland, and Aceh, this research finds that there are exclusively two overarching challenges to state- building. First, there has been a challenge of coordination among different actors, as well as with the respective population in the relevant states; the second is the challenge of creating an effective exit strategy, such as maintaining stability and avoiding aid- dependency after the state-building mission has been finished. Keywords: state-building, fragile states, Afghanistan, Somaliland, Aceh DOI : https://doi.org/10.33005/jgp.v7i01.1813]]>
<![CDATA[EXPLORING THE DYNAMICS OF SECESSIONIST SENTIMENTS IN ALASKA ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies Vol 6, No 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Gadjah Mada ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/rubikon.v6i1.61487
<![CDATA[This article explores the dynamics of secession in Alaska, a state within the United States of America. Alaska has been an integral part of modern American history when it was admitted as the second-youngest state after Hawaii in 1959. The territory was initially purchased by the United States from the Russian Empire in 1867 due to the latter’s concern of the expected British invasion. Putting the colonial narratives aside, Alaska is also a home of the Indigenous Alaskans with distinct identities compared to the European settlers. Viewing this contested history, combined with controversies leading to the inclusion of Alaska to the United States proper, one might assume that Alaskans might possess a higher sentiment of self-determination compared to the rest of Americans. However, despite those backgrounds, secessionism is not a salient issue in Alaska. Therefore, the author explores why the support for Alaskan secessionism is relatively unheard of despite the disputed history of the state. Using Hechter’s model of secession (1992), the author proposes that Alaska has been experiencing a relatively low level of secessionist sentiment due to (1) a low level of group identification among the Alaskans themselves, (2) a weak regional party, (3) a high level of economic dependency on the host state, and (3) an unfavorable institutional environment for secessionist sentiments to be advanced. The research concludes by suggesting that secessionism in Alaska is not a favorable choice due to every limitation it faces.Keywords: AIP; Alaska; history; postcolonialism; secession]]>
<![CDATA[The Paradiplomatic Role of the ConIFA in Promoting Self-Determination of Marginalised Entities ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Global Strategis Vol. 13 No. 1 (2019): Global Strategis ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Departemen Hubungan Internasional, Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Unair ]]>
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DOI: 10.20473/jgs.13.1.2019.25-36
<![CDATA[The purpose of this paper is to apply the paradiplomacy framework in exploring the role of NGOs in promoting the issue of marginalised peoples. More specifically, it highlights the Confederation of Independent Football Association (ConIFA), an international football governing body comprising minority peoples, stateless nations, and regions which are unrecognised by the Federation Internationale de Football Association (FIFA). The author attempts to discuss ConIFA’s ability in voicing the issue of self-determination concerning its members, which are mainly sidelined in the mainstream international affairs. This paper discusses two questions: (1) does ConIFA qualify to be regarded as a paradiplomatic actor? If yes, in what ways? and (2) to what extent does ConIFA advocate the issue of self-determination of its members? In so doing, the researcher first studies the nature of ConIFA through its own constitution as well as examining its activities through various sources. Second, the author also utilises core concepts on paradiplomacy to seek in which category does ConIFA’s activities fall into. The findings suggest that ConIFA qualifies as a paradiplomatic actor in the sense that it has two forces: horizontal and vertical. Horizontally, it platforms its members to interact with like-minded counterparts through numerous activities. Vertically, ConIFA also possesses a comparative advantage to reach a wider audience by framing the issue through sport. However, the study also indicates that while self-determination is promoted through ConIFA, the organisation does not possess enough political capacity to facilitate a deeper advocacy, thus making its paradiplomatic activities mainly fall into the cultural category.]]>
<![CDATA[STRATEGI JARINGAN ADVOKASI TRANSNASIONAL GREENPEACE DALAM MENANGANI ISU EKOLOGI DI INDONESIA: STUDI KASUS RIAU TAHUN 2011-2018 ]]>
<![CDATA[Gresika Novaradila]]>;
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Vol 9, No 5 (2022): NUSANTARA :Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan ]]>
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DOI: 10.31604/jips.v9i5.2022.1677-1687
<![CDATA[Masalah deforestasi akibat dari adanya industri pada sektor kehutanan di Indonesia telah menjadi masalah yang sangat serius. Meskipun telah ada Instruksi Presiden Nomor 10/2011 tentang Penundaan dan Penyempurnaan Tata Kelola Pemberian Izin Baru Hutan Alam Primer dan Lahan Gambut, tetapi peraturan ini tidak bisa mengurangi isu-isu ekologi di Indonesia tak terkecuali di Riau. Adanya jaringan advokasi transnasional seperti organisasi lingkungan global Greenpeace sangat penting untuk membuat isu ini menjadi isu besar dan krusial bagi negara untuk segera di tuntaskan. Oleh karena itu penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan strategi jaringan advokasi transnasional Greenpeace dalam menangani isu-isu ekologi di Indonesia pada studi kasus Riau pada tahun 2011-2018, pada masa berjalannya kebijakan moratorium hutan. Sejalan dengan tujuan tersebut, maka penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif, dengan teknik analisis data kualitatif. Sementara konsep yang penulis gunakan adalah konsep transnational advocacy networks yang dikemukakan oleh Margaret E. Keck & Kathryn Sikkink. Hasil dari penelitian ini adalah Greenpeace telah melakukan empat strategi jaringan advokasi transnasional yaitu; (1) Politik Informasi dengan menyebarluaskan laporan hasil investigasi; (2) Politik Simbolik dengan melakukan aksi-aksi kreatif; (3) Politik Pengaruh dengan membujuk dan menekan aktor yang lebih kuat; (4) Politik Akuntabilitas dengan mengekspos jarak antara wacana dan praktik. Dari kasus-kasus deforestasi dan isu-isu ekologi yang ada di Riau, yang disebabkan oleh industri kelapa sawit dan pulp/HTI tersebut, serta aksi-aksi dalam politik simbolik, politik pengaruh, dan poltik akuntabilitas Greenpeace, telah menciptakan sebuah komitmen dari pemerintah dengan dikeluarkannya Inpres nomor 8 Tahun 2018 tentang moratorium izin perkebunan sawit, HTI, dan pertambangan.]]>
<![CDATA[UPAYA DIPLOMASI BUDAYA KOREA SELATAN MELALUI KING SEJONG INSTITUTE FOUNDATION (KSIF) DI INDONESIA ]]>
<![CDATA[Shefira Salsabillah M. Lamatenggo]]>;
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Vol 9, No 4 (2022): NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan ]]>
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DOI: 10.31604/jips.v9i4.2022.1298-1310
<![CDATA[Diplomasi budaya adalah salah satu bentuk diplomasi yang dilakukan oleh individu maupun kelompok guna menciptakan citra positif negara tersebut melalui budaya. King Sejong Institute Foundation (KSIF) merupakan perpanjangan tangan dari pemerintah Korea Selatan dalam menjalankan praktik diplomasi budaya di Indonesia. Sebagai aktor yang dipercayakan oleh pemerintah Korea Selatan, maka KSIF membentuk program-program dalam penyebaran bahasa dan budaya Korea Selatan. Penelitian ini menggunakan konsep diplomasi budaya oleh Simon Mark. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif. Hasil dari penelitian ini yaitu KSIF sudah memberikan berbagai upaya dalam praktik diplomasi budaya Korea Selatan yaitu; (1) membuka kursus bahasa Korea; (2) menyelenggarakan Korean Culture Day; (3) menyelenggarakan Korean Movie Day dan; (4) program beasiswa dan pertukaran pelajar. Serta ditinjau melalui konsep diplomasi budaya KSIF sudah memenuhi elemen 4 elemen diplomasi budaya menurut Simon Mark yaitu; (1) aktor dan pemerintah; (2) objektivitas; (3) aktivitas dan; (4) audiensi. ]]>
<![CDATA[MAKANAN SEBAGAI ALAT SOFT POWER: STUDI PERBANDINGAN GASTRODIPLOMASI JEPANG DAN KOREA SELATAN ]]>
<![CDATA[Engga Ayu Yulliana]]>;
<![CDATA[Kendalita Sari]]>;
<![CDATA[Aulia Ramadhani]]>;
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial Vol 8, No 2 (2021): NUSANTARA : Jurnal Ilmu Pengetahuan Sosial ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Tapanuli Selatan ]]>
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DOI: 10.31604/jips.v8i2.2021.343-361
<![CDATA[Penelitian ini berupaya membandingkan strategi gastrodiplomasi antara Jepang dan Korea Selatan. Dalam artikel ini, gastrodiplomasi dipahami sebagai sebuah bentuk dari diplomasi publik yang dilaksanakan melalui strategi investasi negara di dalam strategi-strategi yang terkait dengan kuliner. Menggunakan metode deskriptif-kualitatif, penulis menggunakan Jepang dan Korea Selatan sebagai studi kasus karena kedua negara memiliki karakteristik geografis dan ekonomis yang cukup mirip. Temuan dari penelitian ini mengindikasikan bahwa baik Jepang, melalui Global Washoku Campaign, maupun Korea Selatan, melalui Korean Kitchen to the World, memiliki strategi gastrodiplomasi yang sama-sama komprehensif, namun keduanya tetap memiliki perbedaan dalam detail pelaksanaannya seperti dalam hal pemanfaatan budaya pop serta pendidikan. ]]>
<![CDATA[Reimagining City Identities in Globalisation: A Constructivist Study on City Paradiplomacy ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ Global South Review Vol 1, No 2 (2019): Global South Review ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Institute of International Studies ]]>
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DOI: 10.22146/globalsouth.54362
<![CDATA[The study of diplomacy has encountered a new turn when the concept of parallel diplomacy, or paradiplomacy, was introduced to the mainstream. The concept itself can be defined as the international agency of sub-national political entities. The logic behind this is that globalisation has given a channel for the local entities to further their interests amidst the prevailing state-centric international system. In the International Relations scholarship, this issue can be viewed through three lenses: realist, liberalist, and constructivist. This article will use constructivism whose idea argues that paradiplomacy contains identity-seeking undertones beneath, where sub-national entities can reimagine their positions in globalisation. The constructivist lens offers more advantage in seeing paradiplomacy beyond activities which are mainly driven by free-trade. This paper attempts to use the constructivist lens of paradiplomacy in exploring how cities can construct their identities in globalisation. There has been a quite extensive literature on constructivist perspective on paradiplomacy, yet many of them are focused on secessionist case studies instead of cities as regular sub-national units which pose no threat to their host states. This article argues that identity creation in city paradiplomacy is possible and particularly essential to cities located in developing countries seeking partnerships with the more developed regions. In doing the research, the author utilises secondary sources through the existing studies on paradiplomacy and city identity in globalisation to keep up with the current state of the art.]]>
<![CDATA[THE IMPLEMENTATION ON POLICY PRACTICE OF CHINESE DIPLOMACY THROUGH CONFUCIUS INSTITUTE (CI) IN THAILAND ]]>
<![CDATA[Muhammad Habib Rosyidi]]>;
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ POLITICO Vol 21, No 2 (2021): JURNAL POLITICO FISIPOL ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember ]]>
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DOI: 10.32528/politico.v21i2.5883
<![CDATA[This paper will discuss the Implementation on Policy practice of Chinese diplomacy to Thailand through the establishment of the Confucius Institute (CI) and the significance for China-Thailand relations. The impact of the migration of Chinese people in the past has had an impact on the cultural closeness between the Chinese and Thai people. China's economic development and the close trade relations with Thailand have influenced the significance of Mandarin for Thai people. The Chinese government then responded to the need for Chinese language skills. This research is descriptive qualitative with secondary data. At the end of this paper, the author concludes that CI has played an active role as a manifestation of China's cultural diplomacy in Thailand through its cultural programs which indicate a good two-way communication between China and Thailand. In addition, the presence of CI in Thailand allows for public understanding of the diversity and hybridity of other individuals in Thailand. ]]>
<![CDATA[Islamic Consolidation in Kazakhstan: Success Story and Challenges of the Future ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 2 No. 2 (2017) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v2i2.968
<![CDATA[This article attempts to explain the process of Islamic consolidation in Kazakhstan, a young Muslim-majority state in Central Asia which became independent following the demise of the Soviet Union. Unlike its turbulent regional neighbors, Kazakhstan has virtually been not troubled by the threat of extremists, making its success an interesting case to discuss. There are some aspects which this essay is going to analyze. First, using the consolidation framework, I am going to examine how the rise of Islam is facilitated after the demise of the Soviet Union. Second, I also add another element namely securitization. This paper argues that securitisation is the additional strategy which creates a stable condition of Islamic consolidation in Kazakhstan. This paper concludes with giving some reflections on the future of Islam and the political stability in Kazakhstan. ]]>
<![CDATA[The 11 September Attacks and the Fourth Wave 2.0 of International Terrorism ]]>
<![CDATA[Ario Bimo Utomo]]>
<![CDATA[ SHAHIH: Journal of Islamicate Multidisciplinary Vol. 4 No. 1 (2019) ]]>
Publisher : <![CDATA[UIN Raden Mas Said Surakarta ]]>
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DOI: 10.22515/shahih.v4i1.1546
<![CDATA[The 11 September attacks in 2001 were one of the most shocking incidents within the post-Cold War era. Moreover, its location which happened in the United States can also be translated as a symbolic warning for the liberal world order, signifying that security remains a salient topic even after the “End of History†postulated by Fukuyama. This article examines whether the 11 September attacks has changed the course of international relations. In so doing, I attempt to use “the waves of terrorism†as a framework to understand the development of different stages of terrorism. The method that I used was desk research based on sources such as official reports, previous studies on terrorism, and classic literature on international security. This article finds that the 11 September attack serves as a game-changer in international relations as it unveils the new face of the religious wave of. First, the attacks ignited a refined version of the religious wave by employing information technology, making it even more sporadic and unpredictable. Second, it reshapes international security by shifting away from the state-centric narrative, putting the terrorists as new international actors. Third, it has altered the security relations of the United States with other countries, creating new global polarisations.]]>
