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DINAMIKA KOALISI PARTAI POLITIK DALAM PILKADA KABUPATEN PADANG LAWAS UTARA TAHUN 2018 Sopian Ependi Manalu; Nurul Nurhandjati
Journal Publicuho Vol 4, No 4 (2021): November - January
Publisher : Universitas Halu Oleo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/jpu.v4i4.21282

Abstract

Penelitian ini membahas mengenai dinamika koalisi partai  politik pengusung calon tunggal dalam proses pencalonan bupati dan wakil bupati pada pilkada Kabupaten Padang Lawas Utara tahun 2018. Dengan menggunakan teori koalisi Arend Lijphart akan di elaborasi bagaimana dinamika pembentukan koalisi partai politik dalam mendukung pasangan calon tunggal. Adapun Lijphart mengkategorikan koalisi kedalam 2 bentuk yakni : policy blind coalition dan policy based coalition. Dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif melalui pendekatan studi kasus, penelitian ini dimulai dari penjelasan partai politik pengusung calon, dinamika yang terjadi antar partai politik, kemudian dilakukan analisis bentuk koalisi yang dibangun oleh partai didukung realita politik untuk menguatkan hasil analisis penulis. Temuan dari studi ini menunjukkan bahwa koalisi partai politik pengusung calon tunggal pada pilkada Kabupaten Padang Lawas Utara tahun 2018 condong pada bentuk koalisi policy blind coalition yakni koalisi yang mengutamakan untuk memaksimalisasi kekuasaan daripada mempertimbangkan kesamaan ideologi dan platform partai. Koalisi yang terbentuk cenderung pragmatis, elitis dan berorientasi office seeking. Penentuan kandidat cenderung mempertimbangkan popularitas, pengaruh elit pusat dan elit lokal serta kepemilikan modal besar sehingga mampu menghimpun seluruh partai politik dalam satu blok koalisi. 
PRAGMATISME DALAM KANDIDASI CALON ANGGOTA DPR PARTAI NASDEM PADA PEMILU 2019 Reskianti Windharti; Nurul Nurhandjati
Journal Publicuho Vol 4, No 2 (2021): May - July
Publisher : Universitas Halu Oleo

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.35817/jpu.v4i2.19099

Abstract

This study discusses pragmatism in the process of candidacy for DPR members carried out by a political party, namely the NasDem Party in the 2019 Election. As is known, the NasDem Party is still a new party, but was able to gain a significant increase in votes. Departing from Purbolaksono's research which categorizes the NasDem Party as a catch-all party type, and refers to several expert definitions and previous research on pragmatism, this paper describes how pragmatism occurs in the candidates for legislative members from the NasDem Party. Using the analytical descriptive method, this research begins with a description of how the Nasdem Party's candidacy was carried out, then continued by an analysis accompanied by field facts that support the author's analysis. The findings of this study are that pragmatism in the NasDem Party's candidacy process occurs in 4 (four) forms, namely 1) an open recruitment system that provides opportunities for candidates who change parties before the candidacy process; 2) ideology that is no longer the main thing in the candidacy process; 3) the use of profit and loss logic in the candidacy process; and 4) the existence of a screening process (without going through the Bacaleg program) for legislative candidates who are considered to have the potential to gain votes.
Kombinasi Pilkada Calon Tunggal dengan Sistem Noken: Studi Kasus Pilkada Kabupaten Mamberamo Tengah Tahun 2018 Asdar Syarifuddin; Nurul Nurhandjati
Syntax Literate Jurnal Ilmiah Indonesia
Publisher : Syntax Corporation

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (689.849 KB) | DOI: 10.36418/syntax-literate.v7i9.9392

Abstract

Penelitian ini membahas kombinasi Pilkada calon tunggal dengan sistem noken mengambil studi kasus pada Pilkada Tahun 2018 di Kabupaten Mamberamo Tengah, Papua. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa penerapan model pemilihan sistem noken pada pemilihan calon tunggal lebih memberi keuntungan dan berdampak semakin menguatkan peluang kemenangan calon tunggal petahana. Sedangkan terkait prinsip deliberasi dalam pemilihan sistem noken dengan calon tunggal menunjukkan hadirnya pemilih kotak kosong menandakan ruang deliberasi tidak terabaikan, baik pemilih maupun kepala suku bebas menentukan keputusan serta ketersediaan ruang publik masih berjalan bebas sesuai basis pemilihnya. Impilkasi teoritis local strongmen relevan untuk memotret eksistensi petahana. Teori ini dapat membantu melihat eksistensi petahana dengan menganalisa modal kekuatan yang dimiliki petahana yang menjadi daya tarik dari partai-partai politik dan kelompok informal lainnya. Sedangkan implikasi teori demokrasi deliberatif menunjukkan sistem noken pada Pilkada Kabupaten Mamberamo Tengah Tahun 2018 selaras dengan prinsip dasar demokrasi deliberatif yang memungkinkan adanya ruang publik.
Nyai and Politics: The Role of Nyai Muhimmah in the Winning of the Candidate Pair Abdul Hafidz - Bayu Andrianto in the 2015 Rembang Regency Election Ahmad Choirul Furqon; Nurul Nurhandjati
Jurnal Multidisiplin Madani Vol. 3 No. 7 (2023): July, 2023
Publisher : PT FORMOSA CENDEKIA GLOBAL

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.55927/mudima.v3i7.4928

Abstract

This research discusses the role of the pesantren elite in winning the Abdul Hafidz - Bayu Andrianto candidate pair in the 2015 Rembang District Election. Islamic boarding schools specifically have not been carried out by many researchers. This is because most studies on Islamic boarding schools so far have focused on the kiai as the strongest figure who dominates various cultural, social, economic and political capitals of pesantren. The theory used to look at the practice of the 2015 Rembang local elections where Nyai Muhimmah was staged was James C. Scott's patron-client. He explained that the patron-client relationship can be seen through the pattern of relations that exist between the elite as patrons and the community as clients. By using a qualitative method, namely data collection through in-depth interviews and literature studies, the authors found that Nyai as a female pesantren leader was able to increase the electability of the couple Abdul Hafidz - Bayu Andrianto with absolute victory in all sub-districts even though she ran as a candidate from an independent path. Through her network, namely Islamic boarding schools, organizations and individuals, she succeeded in winning the pair Abdul Hafidz - Bayu Andrianto. Based on this, James Scott's theory has proven to be applicable and relevant to analyzing the patron-client relationship between Nyai and the people in Rembang Regency in the 2015 district election
Birokrat dan Pilkada: Motif Pencalonan Birokrat dalam Pilkada Lombok Tengah Tahun 2020 Suprayatma, Aditya; Nurhandjati, Nurul
Sospol Vol. 10 No. 1 (2024): Januari-Juni
Publisher : Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, Universitas Muhammadiyah Malang

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.22219/jurnalsospol.v10i1.34224

Abstract

Penelitian ini menganalisis atau mengkaji faktor-faktor yang menyebabkan birokrat mencalonkan diri sebagai calon kepala daerah dan wakil kepala pada pilkada lombok tengah tahun 2020. Fenomena maraknya para birokrat mengundurkan diri dari jabatannya untuk menjadi kandidat dalam Pilkada di Lombok Tengah tahun 2020 menarik untuk diteliti. Untuk mengkaji permasalahan tersebut digunakan teori Rekrutmen partai Politik dari Randall, Teori Patron-Klien dan Teori Motif dalam proses kandidasi. Metode penelitian yang digunakan adalah kualitatif eksplanatif. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan adanya motif dan dukungan serta peluang untuk birokrat mengikuti proses pencalonan dalam Pilkada. Motif para birokrat memilih mengundurkan diri dari jabatannya dan memilih mengikuti kandidasi Pilkada lebih karena ingin memperluas kekuasaan, reproduksi sumber daya ekonomi, pragmatisme dan prestise sosial. Implikasi teori studi ini mengkonfirmasi bahwa motif birokrat memilih mengundurkan diri menjadi kandidat dalam Pilkada tidak dapat dilepaskan dari faktor dukungan politik terhadapnya baik dari partai politik, pengusaha maupun elit lokal.
Strategy of Rukun Tani Sumberejo Pakel to Fight for Land Rights in Agrarian Conflict in Banyuwangi Regency Wisnujati, Ganis; Nurhandjati, Nurul
JISIP: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Vol 9, No 3 (2025): JISIP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan) (Juli)
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan (LPP) Mandala

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.58258/jisip.v9i3.8825

Abstract

This study analyzes the strategies of Rukun Tani Sumberejo Pakel in building movement resilience to defend land rights contested by PT Bumi Sari in Pakel Village, Banyuwangi Regency, during the period 2020–2025. The research adopts a qualitative approach and utilizes data collection methods including observation, interviews, and document analysis. The analytical process involved data reduction, data display, and conclusion drawing. The findings demonstrate that Rukun Tani adopted resistance strategies that were adaptive to the elvolving dynamics of the agrarian conflict. In terms of internal interaction, the social movement engaged in recruitment, capacity building, and organizational management. In its interaction with authorities, the movement organized land occupations and public demonstrations, while also pursuing legal and digital avenues of resistance. Furthermore, in its interaction with security forces, Rukun Tani combined confrontational actions, formal procedures, and social media campaigns. As a result, the movement was able to expand its strategic reach into institutional arenas. The study concludes that such strategies have played a significant role in enhancing the movement’s resilience and sustaining its long-term struggle.
POLITICAL SETTLEMENTS: ANTARA KONSEP DAN REALITAS Nurhandjati, Nurul
JPP (Jurnal Politik Profetik) Vol 7 No 2 (2019): December
Publisher : Department of Political Science, Universitas Islam Negeri Alauddin Makassar

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | Full PDF (884.505 KB) | DOI: 10.24252/profetik.v7i2a5

Abstract

Political Settlements are often identified with post-conflict conditions. Basically the main idea of political settlements is a shared understanding among the elites in the context of power distribution. Common understanding is interpreted as an agreement on the negotiations carried out, which is intended for the continuity of the overall system after the conflict. Thus the study of political settlements will show how the elites, both the formal elite and the informal elite, as well as other institutions in the community carry out strategies or strategies to establish legitimacy. The political agreement also negotiates the distribution of available resources. Thus the power relations that occur will restore the classic concept of power from Laswell namely Who Gets What, When and How, showing who has power in the agreement. As political agreements emerge as a strategy for cooperation rather than competition, in order to secure their interests, it takes days or even centuries, to be renewed continuously. Those who agree would continue to contest and are subject to renegotiation. The result would be new regulations or policies in the context of maintaining the status quo. Therefore, the political settlement framework did not state that the emergence of each policy reflects the balance of power in a country. Although in reality political agreement occurs in every political action, but in concept not many people use it in political analysis. This paper tried to describe the development of the concept of political agreement by examining the level of reality.
Why Adopt E-voting? Study on Village Leader Elections in Musi Rawas, South Sumatera Darmawan, Ikhsan; Nurhandjati, Nurul
Jurnal Politik Vol. 1, No. 2
Publisher : UI Scholars Hub

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar

Abstract

This article elaborates the e-voting adoption in village leader elections held in Musi Rawas Regency, South Sumatera, during the period of 2013 to early 2015. This paper aims at answering the question of why the government of Musi Rawas has adopted e-voting in the village leader elections. More specifically, this paper aims at identifying the motives underlying the policy to adopt e-voting in village leader elections in Musi Rawas. This article is based on the field research held between February and March, 2015. The research employs the qualitative approach. Data is collected through in-depth interview, observation, and news collected from mass media. Interviews were conducted with Mayors of Musi Rawas and the other informants that know the problems. Besides that, the research also conducted observation in three villages which held village leader elections with e-voting: Wonokerto Village, Pelawe Village, and BTS Ulu Village. Observation is the mechanism to compare between the information from interview with the empirical practice of e-voting. This article finds out that the first motive of the adoption of e-voting in the village leader election is to reduce violations of procedure. The second motive is to make the elections more efficient in term of time and money and to make the voters easier to vote. Nevertheless, the Government of Musi Rawas needs to pay attention to the technical aspect in order to make the village leader election is conducted in line with the ideal principle of election.
PDI Perjuangan Evaluation: Between Party Identity vis à vis Mass Base Expansion Pradita, Maurit Putera; Nurhandjati, Nurul
JISIP: Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan Vol 10, No 1 (2026): JISIP (Jurnal Ilmu Sosial dan Pendidikan) (Januari)
Publisher : Lembaga Penelitian dan Pendidikan (LPP) Mandala

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.58258/jisip.v10i1.10096

Abstract

This journal article reflects on the results of the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P) legislative elections, which left several important notes, particularly regarding the party's weaknesses in the religious sphere. Negative sentiment about religion still clings to the party despite its three consecutive victories in the 2014, 2019, and 2024 legislative elections. In an ideological context, PDI-P has consistently maintained and upheld its ideology, even in unfavorable situations. However, on the other hand, PDI-P is faced with a party image that is not as good as its vote acquisition, as well as political attitudes, party policies, and political communication that still need improvement. Using qualitative research methods, the findings and results of the study indicate that PDI-P can maintain its ideology by limiting its reach to a segment of conservative Muslim voters or try to move towards the center and expand its mass base to all sectors, at the risk of sacrificing the ideology they have long adhered to.
Electoral Populism Narratives in the Free Lunch Program: An Analysis of the Prabowo-Gibran Campaign in the 2024 Presidential Election Surya, Dylan Maesa; Nurhandjati, Nurul
Journal Ilmu Sosial, Politik dan Pemerintahan Vol. 15 No. 01 (2026): State, Governance, and Democratic Change
Publisher : Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Ilmu Politik, Universitas Palangka Raya

Show Abstract | Download Original | Original Source | Check in Google Scholar | DOI: 10.37304/jispar.v15i01.24645

Abstract

The free lunch campaign promise put forward by Prabowo Subianto and Gibran Rakabuming Raka in the 2024 Presidential Election sparked debate between genuine social concern and electoral populism strategy. This study analyzes the narrative construction and meaning of this promise within the context of political competition using a qualitative approach with qualitative content analysis (QCA) of news coverage from Kompas.com and Tempo.co during the campaign period. The findings show that the program was utilized to build an empathetic image, erode the elite perception of the candidates, and create symbolic differentiation from other candidate pairs. Additionally, there was a shift in Prabowo's voter segmentation toward a grassroots base. These findings affirm that populism was practiced pragmatically as an adaptive strategy by the elite, not as a consistent ideology.